Torture, Inc. (Ethiopia)

By Alemayehu G. Mariam

Inside the Torture Chambers of the Dictatorship in Ethiopia

Last week, Barry Malone of Reuters reported that families of the suspects allegedly involved in a “terror network” against the dictatorship in Ethiopia told him that some of their loved ones had “been tortured and are injured. They have been interrogated for up to nineteen hours. One man with injuries to his penis had to be treated in hospital.” Voice of America’s Peter Heinlien further reported:

At a pre-trial hearing, attorneys and defendants in the so-called ‘Ginbot Seven’ case indicated the accused had suffered physical and psychological abuse while being held in pre-trial detention. Former army General Asamenew Tsige, one of five leaders of an alleged coup plot being held in solitary confinement, pleaded for special human rights protection. An attorney for another defendant, businessman Getu Worku, asked that her client be allowed to see a private doctor for injuries suffered in detention. Both requests were denied.

Click on 'Read More.'
The dictatorship’s servile prosecutor and master of doublespeak, Shimeles Kemal, said: “They have the right to relate any indignities they allege they have suffered openly in court. If this had been the case [tortured], they would have [reported it in court], but they didn't.” In other words, General Asamenew Tsige’s “court” request for “special human rights protection” and the request by Ato Getu’s lawyer for an independent medical examination “for injuries suffered in detention” do not “relate to any indignities the suspects have suffered” while in custody.

It was also reported that less than two weeks ago, Birtukan Mideksa, leader of the opposition Unity for Democracy and Justice Party, apparently confronted her prison guards after being kept for six harrowing months in solitary confinement. According to the report, she was manhandled by the prison guards until paramedics were called by the warden of Kality prison. Birtukan was given some sort of sedative by the paramedics to render her motionless and speechless. It appears she was temporarily transferred to a cell with two other female inmates following this incident.

None of the “Tales From the Torture Chambers” of the dictatorship in Ethiopia comes as a surprise to anyone who has followed events there over the past few years. The torture chambers are veritable dungeons of horror and terror as documented in the February, 2009 U.S. State Department human rights report on Ethiopia:

Although the constitution and law prohibit the use of torture and mistreatment, there were numerous credible reports that security officials tortured, beat, or mistreated detainees. Opposition political party leaders reported frequent and systematic abuse and intimidation of their supporters by police and regional militias, particularly in the months leading up to the local and by-elections held during the year. In Makelawi, the central police investigation headquarters in Addis Ababa, police investigators reportedly commonly used physical abuse to extract confessions. Innocent people are tortured for any reason.

In April 2007, the San Francisco Chronicle made the following conclusion following its private investigation: “Interviews with dozens of people across the country, coupled with testimony given to diplomats and human rights groups, paint a picture of a nation that jails its citizens without reason or trial, and tortures many of them -- despite government claims to the contrary.” Bereket Simon, the Svengalian player in the capo dictator’s inner circle, responded to the Chronicle investigation by issuing a blanket denial: “No way. No way. No way. I think you know, these are prohibited by laws, by Ethiopian laws -- torture, any human treatments… In fact, we have been improving on our prison standards. We've been working hard to train the police forces, the interrogators.”


The Law Against Torture and the Prohibition Against Inhuman Treatment

Torture is illegal! Torture is illegal!

Article 1 of the Declaration Against Torture (1975) defines torture as: … any act by which severe pain and suffering, whether physical or mental, is intentionally inflicted by, or at the instigation of a public official on a person for such purposes as obtaining from him or a third person information or confession; punishing him for an act he has committed; or intimidating him or other persons…. Torture constitutes an aggravated and deliberate form of cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.”

Article 18 of the dictatorship’s constitution embraces the Declaration Against Torture by guaranteeing that “Everyone shall have the right not to be subjected to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.” Articles 14 and 16 provide a double guarantee by securing “the inalienable and inviolable right to life, liberty and security of person.” Article 21 provides prisoners special protections against torture: “Any person in custody or a convicted prisoner shall have the right to humane treatment which accords with his human dignity. Any person in custody or a convicted prisoner shall have the right to communicate with and be visited by spouse(s), close relatives and friends, medical attendants, religious and legal counselors.”

Under Article 13 of the dictatorship’s constitution, the “fundamental rights and freedoms enumerated… shall be interpreted in a manner consistent with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights [UDHR], international human rights covenants and conventions ratified by Ethiopia.” Article 5 of the UDHR and Article 7 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, (both ratified by Ethiopia) are incorporated verbatim in Article 18 of the dictatorship’s constitution (“Everyone shall have the right not to be subjected to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.”). The Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (1984) (ratified by Ethiopia in 1994) requires signatories to take effective measures to prevent torture within their borders. Articles 7 and 8 of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court include torture as a crime against humanity and a war crime. Many other declarations, conventions and resolutions prohibit and condemn torture in its entirety, and some specifically require official designation of detention centers, registration of the identities of detainees, service of notice of detention to detainee families and records of the times and places of all interrogations.


Torture, Inc. (Ethiopia): The Business of Torture in the Dictatorship’s Prisons

There are a few irrefutable facts on the question of official torture in Ethiopia that need to be stated for the record:

1. The business of torture in Ethiopia is second only to the business of corruption. Torture, arbitrary arrests, detentions without charges or trials, threats, intimidations and extrajudicial killings are the tools of trade of the dictators’ political enterprise and survival.

2. The ruling dictatorship is openly scornful of international human rights covenants and the prohibitions of its own constitution on the practice of torture. To the dictatorship, these legal instruments and prohibitions are not worth the paper they are written on.

3. Torture raises absolutely no moral questions to the depraved dictators. Simply stated, they do not believe torture of a human being is inherently evil and wrong, and unjustified under any circumstances. In their perverted moral universe, they believe torture is an absolutely necessary tool to maintain themselves in power.

4. The dictatorship could not care less whether the court of world opinion, the International Court of Justice, human rights organizations, countries or anyone else condemns them for practicing torture because they believe fundamentally that they will never be held accountable for their criminal acts.

Having established the foregoing irrefutable facts, we can turn to the central question: Why do the dictators choose to inflict planned and calculated physical and mental pain on their opponents and others they perceive as threats to their power? To answer this question is to understand the dynamics of the internal operation of the dictatorship.

Several reasons can be given. First, the dictators operate in their own echo chamber of intrigue. They talk to themselves and reinforce each other’s fears and paranoia. Looking out through the dark glass of their echo chamber, they see a world inhabited by enemies and adversaries fully engaged in a Grand Conspiracy to uproot them from power. Inside the echo chamber, the dictators live each day in a state of terminal paranoia, re-creating new fantasies of a conspiracy concocted to destroy their chokehold on power. They internalize the massive dissatisfaction of the people with their misrule, the intense popular dislike directed against them and criticisms of their illegitimacy and incompetence, which in turn fuels their illusion of a Grand Conspiracy. They refuse to accept the simple truth that ordinary citizens individually or collectively could on their own (without a grand conspiracy) volition be motivated to reject them and their style of leadership after nearly two decades of tyrannical rule. The fact of total rejection by the society keeps them awake at night. The fact that they are disliked intensely and despised ubiquitously drives them crazy; and they just can’t handle the truth locked in their echo chamber!

The systematic practice of torture becomes their way of lashing out at the individuals they perceive to be the causes of this societal rejection and never-ending resurgence of an illusionary Grand Conspiracy. They justify their actions against their victims by invoking “higher ideals”. Their opponents become “desperado terrorists”, criminals who act “against the constitutional order,” subversives “against the interests of the nation” and defiant deniers of pardon. They convince themselves and try to convince others that those who oppose them are “evil” and they are “good’. They create a rigidly defined world of “them” and “us” and seek to demonize and dehumanize their opponents and critics. They make special laws to punish their imaginary enemies -- independent journalists, civic society institutions, opposition political party leaders and members -- and to demonstrate to the international community that any actions they take, including torture, is legal.

Second, the torture of the “desperado terrorists” is really not motivated by any fear of what the “desperadoes” could do to overthrow them or “wreak havoc” in the country. It has everything to do with sending a message to the “masterminds” outside of the country, and discouraging opponents, dissidents and others considered threats from further political activity within the country. It should be understood that the dictators’ use of torture against the “desperadoes” has little to do with criminal investigation or information gathering. The dictators know that there is little information that can be obtained from the “desperadoes” through physical beatings and severe psychological trauma. As they have publicly conceded, the whole “conspiracy” is directed by “masterminds” from the outside. There is little reliable or useful information the “desperado” detainees can provide through torture about the outside “masterminds”. In any case, any information they may acquire from the “desperadoes” by torturing them is unlikely to produce useful information because the whole “conspiracy” theory is a fabrication of the dictators themselves. No reasonable person could believe an 80-year old grandfather could lead a “terrorist network”. The bizarre official tale of a gallery of “desperadoes”, “terrorists,” “disgruntled” military officers, shadowy assassins and “dangerous” international “masterminds” who manipulated them all by remote control from the United States and Europe is so goofy that it deserves serialization in Marvel’s comic books.

But there is also a larger message to the population. By torturing the “desperadoes” and hundreds of thousands of other innocent people, the dictators seek to project the illusion of invincibility and omnipotence. Although they are objectively weak, have very little support in the population and are generally confused and inept in handling the enormous social, political and economic problems they have created, they still want to project the illusion that they are totally powerful, strong and unbeatable. Torture serves to enhance this illusion by publicizing the fact that they can eliminate, punish or neutralize their opponents into silence, fear or apathy.

Third, the dictators use torture to break down the will power and self-identity of their victims and bring them into total submission. They will use any means to achieve this purpose, including isolation, humiliation, intense psychological pressure and physical pain. The accumulated evidence from those lucky enough to have escaped the dictators’ torture chambers speak not only of the brutal acts of torture voluminously documented by international human rights organizations (e.g. physical beatings until victim loses consciousness; suspension of victims by feet and hands, face downwards, with chest touching the floor; electric shocks on legs and back; denial of food, water and sleep; beatings with rubber truncheons, tying a large bottle of water around a victim’s testicles; shackling, beatings to coerce the signing of false confessions, etc.) but also of the terror instilled in victims to destroy their identity and sense of self and well-being (e.g. prolonged solitary confinement, ethnic insults and personal humiliation, threats about family and children, forcing victims to view others being tortured and so on).

Fourth, the dictators use a special torture technique against the thousands of their ordinary and “unknown” victims to keep them in a state of complete despair. It is called torture by prolonged detention without charges or trial. Such victims have no idea why they are arrested or jailed. They have no idea if they will ever be charged, brought to trial or released. They have no visitors. They have no means of challenging their detention (even though Art. 19 of the dictators’ constitution provides for a court challenge [habeas corpus] where the “public prosecutor fails to bring the accused to court within the time limit provided by law.” They have no one to defend their rights or publicize their illegal detention. They live in a world of complete hopelessness and helplessness. Their torture has no cut off date. Many fall into a state of deep depression and resort to primitive mechanisms such as splitting (hatred of their torturer and themselves), dissociation (disconnect from their thoughts, memories, feelings, or sense of identity) and introjection (internalize the abusive and negative view of the victim created by the torturer and attributes of their all-powerful torturer). These experiences have been reported by former victims lucky enough to make it out of the dictators’ torture chambers.


Birtukan Mideksa’s Solitary Confinement: A Case Study of Psychological Torture

Although Article 21 of the dictatorship’s constitution guarantees that “Any person in custody or a convicted prisoner shall have the right to communicate with and be visited by spouse(s), close relatives and friends, medical attendants, religious and legal counselors”, Birtukan has spent the past six months in total solitary confinement prison in a “cell measuring 2m square”. She is visited by her mother and child every week for a few minutes. Even when she is allowed her few minutes with her mother, she is supervised and censored by one of the prison cadres. She is allowed only to exchange pleasantries with her mother. All other conversations are strictly prohibited. She is not allowed to visit with her lawyer or other family members, close friends or religious counselors despite two standing “court” orders. According to one report, an official from Kality prison could not explain why Birtukan is in solitary confinement. He stated that solitary confinement is reserved for “dangerous or violent criminals,” which he admitted Birtukan is not. Amnesty International considers Birtukan “at risk of torture and other ill-treatment.”

Sometimes referred to as the “invisible torture” or “torture lite”, solitary confinement (long periods of incommunicado detention) is a sophisticated and subtle form of mental torture that is just as bad as physical torture, as recent empirical studies have shown. In the classic handbook Torture and Its Consequences (1992), the medical, psychiatric and psychological issues of torture victims have been established. Victims held in solitary confinement for all, or nearly all, of the day with minimal environmental stimulation and minimal opportunity for social interaction often suffer severe psychological harm. The psychiatric effects of solitary confinement include perceptual distortions, hallucinations, panic attacks, depression, difficulties with thinking, concentration, and memory, intrusive obsessional thoughts, aggressive ruminations, overt paranoia deteriorating into a state of being spaced out and problems of impulse control. Other effects include insomnia, irritability, restlessness, and attention deficits. Recollections of the traumatic torture events intrude in the form of nightmares, night terrors, flashbacks, and distressing associations long after the torture victim is released from detention.

The sadistic dictators in Ethiopia understand that solitary confinement could be an effective weapon in breaking down Birtukan’s will and destroying her self-identity and effectiveness as a leader. They have learned from decades of practice that by keeping Birtukan in prolonged and painful isolation, they can create the conditions for her to first lose grasp of her identity and sense of self followed by disconnection to reality, her friends and colleagues in the party, the Ethiopian people at large and her supporters throughout the world. Her torturers expect that over a prolonged period of isolation she will lose her raison d'etre (reason for existence) and that she will come to believe that she is all alone in the world and forgotten by the world outside. As her isolation continues, they expect her to disintegrate psychologically – that is, experience a breakdown in her conviction about her very existence and the reality of her external world – and ultimately become her own psychological torturer.

There is a secondary aim in the dictatorship’s use of solitary confinement against Birtukan, (and many others in similar situation including Gen. Asamenew Tsige). Should Birtukan be released in the future, the dictators hope that the harm she suffered through prolonged confinement will be so intense that she will have permanent psychiatric disability, including psychological impairments which will seriously reduce her capacity to lead her party and people and reintegrate into the broader society. The scientific data suggest that victims of prolonged solitary confinement suffer a very high likelihood of cognitive impairment (learning and memory loss), social withdrawal, inability to maintain long-term relationships, phobias, ideas of reference and superstitions, delusions and hallucinations long after they have been set free. To make a long story short: The sole and only reason for torturing Birtukan by solitary confinement is to drive her literally crazy, mad, insane. There is no other reason!


Birtukan and All Ethiopian Political Prisoners and Torture Victims: You are Not Alone!
Official torture is not simply about brutalizing and inflicting massive amounts of physical pain on the victim. It is first and foremost about destroying the inner self of the victim, and the recreation of a shell of a human being that is incapable of thinking or resistance. Torture is about taking fully functioning human beings and making them the living dead. It is also about using the living dead as an example to those living in constant fear and trepidation that resistance to the dictator’s rule is not only futile but also impossible.

The scientific data clearly show that nothing gives torture victims more spiritual, emotional and cognitive energy and power than knowledge of the fact that they are not alone and are not forgotten by their families, friends, compatriots and the outside world. For torture victims, nothing is more important than the thought of knowing that others share their pain and are thinking about them and working on their behalf to set them free. Just this thought alone makes their dehumanizing experience in the vermin-infested torture chambers bearable, and sustain their will to never submit to their torturers. That is why I ask every freedom-loving, human rights respecting, decent and moral human being to join in the effort to FREE BIRTUKAN AND ALL POLITICAL PRISONERS IN ETHIOPIA!

I look forward to the day soon when Birtukan Mideksa will emerge triumphantly from the dungeon of her solitary confinement in Kality prison and proclaim the magnificent words of Nelson Mandela to the people of Ethiopia:

We have at last, achieved our political emancipation. We pledge ourselves to liberate all our people from the continuing bondage of poverty, deprivation, suffering, gender, and other discrimination. Never, never, and never again shall it be that this beautiful land will again experience the oppression of one by another... Let freedom reign. God Bless Africa, and Ethiopia!

Free Birtukan And All Political Prisoners in Ethiopia!

Three Generations of Prisoners in Ethiopia Today

By Prof. Negussay Ayele

Part I Contextual Profile On Re-imprisoned Mrs. Birtukan Mideksa of Ethiopia

Ethiopians who are in their 70’s plus today have survived through four political tsunamis the country has undergone in the last six decades. These include the bestial but short-lived Mussolini/Fascist invasion of the country (1936-41); the resumption of semi-feudal imperial rule by Emperor Haile Sellassie (1941-1974); the popular mass revolution subsequently taken over by the military (Derg) (1974-1991). The fourth regime is the current tandem occupation of the country and the severing of Eritrea from Ethiopia by Isayass/ EPLF and the crony, the Tigrayan TPLF under Meles (1991- present). Among other things, the most tragic and defining characteristic in the transitions and tenures of the regimes–with the qualified exception of periods of the Haile Sellassie era—is the cyclical rampancy of violence, oppression, death and destruction visited upon the ever enduring Ethiopian people. There were also famines, environmental degradation as well as internal and interstate conflicts that further exacerbated the suffering of the people.

Click on 'Read More.' What emerges as an explanatory paradigm for analysis of political phenomena in Ethiopia in general revolves around what I call “the culture of violence and the violence of culture” that has permeated and defined Ethiopia’s political history, not just for the past seven decades but for centuries? The current tribalist regime has already used its monopoly of deadly force and absolute political hegemony to sever Eritrea and wantonly land lock Ethiopia. It continues to use brute force to massacre Ethiopians and obliterate Ethiopia per se. It is in the context of its words and, more importantly, its deeds that one can at least attempt to reckon with current events such as the regime’s capricious incarceration (again) of Mrs. Birtukan Mideksa, Chairperson of the Unity for Democracy and Justice Party of Ethiopia.

For virtually all of its history, political leadership or right to rule in Ethiopia has not been a matter of peoples choice or but of divine ordination. Hence, one of the several titles of Emperor Haile Sellassie was “Elect of God.” Such a political culture does not engender or encourage political participation by citizens be they males or even less so females—unless elected by God or by the Gun. Indeed some emperors reached the pinnacle of power by the gun and then coerced the clergy to confirm them as “elect” of God. Still, there were some female empresses as well by virtue of being a king’s daughter. Empress Zewditu Menelik at the turn of the twentieth Century was one such example.

The Modest Beginnings of Mrs. Birtukan Mideksa

Having come of age in a stifling political culture, the young, dynamic and charismatic Mrs. Birtukan Mideksa emerged into the political spotlight in the early period of the 21st Century. She was born in 1974 in Addis Ababa. On the material side of life, hers were low income parents but she said she was raised with so much rich love and care. She had a positive and friendly disposition towards all she encountered. She was superior at school and eventually joined Addis Ababa University. She recalls that she wanted to do public service and her shortlist was law or medicine. She then heard about a lady judge who had reached the level of Justice of the High Court of Ethiopia. That inspired young Birtukan to aspire to serve her people in the realm of law and justice. In 1989, shortly after her graduation, she was appointed judge and served with competence and equanimity—insofar as the system would allow–for the next six years, followed by law practice.

The Janus-faced devious regime of autocrat Meles Zenawi in Ethiopia operates with absolute armed power at home and duplicitous propaganda abroad. It denies what it really is and does in the country while it projects what it is not to the rest of the world. Under such circumstances a general “election” was slated for 2005 and a number of patriotic, democratic and dedicated Ethiopians formed parties and coalitions to peacefully contest in the “election”—even though they had serious doubts about the regime’s trustworthiness. They were, however, encouraged in this endeavor by European and American groups and election observers who promised to be rigorous in monitoring the voting and counting processes and holding the ruling regime and all concerned accountable. It was at this momentous occasion that Birtukan joined the democratic movement and she was selected to be Deputy Chair of the Kinijit (Coalition) Democratic Party of Ethiopia.

The Historic 2005 Elections

Next to the 1994 election in South Africa that transferred formal political power from the tribalist Apartheid regime to Nelson Mandela and his ANC, the May 2005 elections in Ethiopia was also historic on the African continent. Millions of Ethiopians converged in the streets and squares of Addis Ababa as they never had before in support of Kinijit’s bid to win the elections. The ruling TPLF tribal front also called “party” was drowned by millions of people supporting alternative democratic parties (often referred to as the “Opposition”). On election day hundreds of thousands thronged to voting stations throughout the country as never before. The regime could see that the democratic will of the people—when given a chance were not with the regime but with Kinijit and a few other alternative parties. So, immediately the ruthless regime set in motion its “security” thugs to rampage, kill, maim and otherwise disrupt the democratic process to nullify the results. But, at that moment, it could do very little to change the results in Addis Ababa, partly because there was a heavy concentration of international observers and monitors in the city and partly because ballot counting was done and results announced quickly before the regime could mess with it. As a result Kinijit won more than 80% of the seats to “parliament” and earned the leadership of the capital city. In fact, Kinijit had also elected Dr. Berhanu Nega, one of the rising stars of Kinijit to be Mayor of Addis Ababa.

In most of the country, the TPLF proxies were also trounced before all the hackneyed vote tampering actions were set in motion buttressed by the liberal use of the gun. In a BBC interview later the TPLF dictator, Meles Zenawi, had a slip of the tongue when he said “we miscalculated…” He was trying to rationalize the rash of killings and stealing or nullifying the phenomenal election victory by the peaceful and democratic challengers to perpetuate his despotic rule. In point of fact the “miscalculation” on the part of autocrat Prime Minister (pm) Meles and his TPLF cronies was its gamble of thinking it could control the outcome of the election just as they had done before without having their feet set to the fire by so much international exposure. In the event, European and American observers made from strong to mild criticisms of the election process, but did not do anything consequential to restrain the regime from its binge of killing and incarcerating of hundreds of innocent Ethiopians and stealing the election. For what it is worth, Ms. Anna Gomez of the European Union stands out as practically the sole consistent and enduring voice of morality, integrity and courage on the matter–to this day.

From Winners to Prisoners

As if all that was not enough shame for the sinister Meles/TPLF occupation regime [for more on this, see my Occupation of Ethiopia/Eritrea by Meles/Isayass on Mediaethiopia.com], it arrested 131 top Ethiopian elected democratic party leaders, elder statesmen, activists, journalists, human rights advocates and academics and dumped them in Kaliti jail like common criminals on 7 November 2005. Predictably, among the jailed leaders was, of course, Judge Mrs. Birtukan Mideksa. The repressive Meles regime was impervious to incessant peaceful protests at home or mild expressions of concern abroad by human rights organizations, individual politicians and the press. These prisoners of conscience languished in prison for over a year before some serious action commenced for their release. A small group of elderly Ethiopians from various backgrounds and calling themselves a coalition of ‘elders’ (
 shemagelay) emerged on the scene to mediate between despot Meles and the trapped mass political prisoners. For the most part pm Meles dealt personally with the coordinator of the elders. The prisoners were paraded from time to time to hear bogus charges in the TPLF kangaroo court for publicity purposes. They pleaded not guilty whenever the “court” made perfunctory gestures to let them speak. There is an Ethiopian saying (
   ) “the son is the thief, his father is the judge, and one might add, his mother is the witness.” In this case, pm Meles is the kleptomaniac who stole the election, thereby spawning intensive but peaceful protests resulting in the murder and the maiming of hundreds of Ethiopian citizens and the incarceration of the 131 prisoners of conscience. Meles is also the jailer who personally and absolutely controls his kangaroo courts. Likewise, his own gun crafted “constitution” is his witness. That is the brazen definition of “justice” and “rule of law” of autocrat Meles/TPLF. Thus, he is thief/jailer, prosecutor/judge and the witness all rolled into one.

The leaders and followers of the Ethiopian democratic alternative parties knew all along that their only “crime” was their astounding and embarrassing peaceful victory over the pompous guntotting regime at the ballot box. Finally, after enduring for so long the physical and psychological harm and injustice visited upon them as well as their families, colleagues, and colleagues, the end of the ordeal was nigh. The elders announced a deal between pm Meles and his innocent victims, in the context of a maze of contradictory series of actions by the regime and they left the prison on 21 July 2007. While most of the leaders of the democratic alternative parties were in jail, the capricious regime was busy dismantling their organizations, changing the rules of the game, withdrawing “legal” status, evicting the political parties from their headquarters and using divide et impera tactics to sow the seeds of discord among the leaders and alienate members from the leaderships as well.

Shemaglays, ‘Legal’ Manipulation, and Release of Prisoners

The elders were communicating and liaising for about a year and a half between the prisoners and potentate Meles to attain the political prisoners’ release. The elders—more specifically the coordinator–dealt exclusively with pm Meles. Technically, according to the Meles/TPLF ‘constitution’ matters, commuting or sustaining of sentences lies in the realm of the President or head of state and not with the prime minister. Neither the “courts” nor any other persons or institutions were involved with the elders from beginning to end. It has been pointed out recently (AwdeEthiopia blog # 28) that Meles, whose manipulative skill for evil is legendary, is said to have his “court” issue a retroactive life sentence on the prisoners of conscience after (emphasis added) he pocketed their obligatory signatures acknowledging his “clemency.” The semantics of this tortured process was to come in handy for him to send judge Birtukan to solitary confinement back in Kaliti “for life” on 29 December 2008.

After their release the Ethiopian citizens tried to attain a semblance of normalcy and pick up the pieces of their personal, social and political lives. It was not easy. All kinds of kangaroo court/parliament/bureaucracy “laws” and trip wires were set to frustrate, entrap and impede their paths to resuming their obligations to the Ethiopian people effectively. Parties like Kinijit were proscribed outright. Some followers had defected or abandoned the parties by force of circumstances spawned by the regime’s intimidations. The leaderships soon fractured and internecine political struggles ensued. In time, the decent, charming, serious Mrs. Birtukan Mideksa emerged as the overwhelming favorite to head a new democratic alternative party named Unity for Democracy and Justice (UDJ). The new parties were making the rounds in the country under difficult and terrorizing circumstances, and they also visited Europe and North America to touch base with Diaspora Ethiopian communities. In the course of one such visit to Sweden, UDJ chairperson Mrs. Birtukan Mideksa, was asked about the condition/s of the prisoners’ release. Sound bites quickly spread in earthly and cyber space pertaining to Mrs. Birtukan’s rendition of the circumstances of her release. The capricious pm Meles charged that she had been released by his “pardon” and if she questions or denies that, she would be arrested and jailed in solitary confinement “for life” unless she recants. There was no provision, written or implied, about breach of what was signed and consequences thereof. [For more on this, see Professor Alemayehu G. Mariam, “If you can’t beat up the big boys in Mogadishu, beat on the woman and the old man in Addis Ababa” in freebirtukan.org].

The upshot is that the release was not a simple matter of asking forgiveness for alleged crimes or breach of “law.” Except for the bogus charges of the regime, the prisoners were completely innocent in the first place. It was more a case of complying with age old Ethiopian cultural values– especially at the behest of Shemaglays–of letting go of mutual recriminations between the powers that be and the prisoners of conscience without compromising the rights and fundamental interests of the people. The draconian Meles regime dubbed its version of what Mrs. Birtukan said or meant to say as tantamount to breaching the terms of her release. In short order Meles sends his “security” goons to the home of one of the Shemagelays where she and Professor Mesfin Woldemariam, the veteran teacher, human rights advocate and fellow prisoner in Kaliti were at the time. The “police” could have given her a simple summons to appear in “court”. After all, by the regime’s own “standards”, Mrs. Birtukan is an attorney at law in good standing and a former judge. Instead they subjected her to a rough “illegal” arrest as if she had just committed or was about to commit a heinous crime. When the senior citizen and venerable Professor Mesfin tried to gently say that all the roughshod treatment was unnecessary, he was physically assaulted and tongue lashed. Mrs. Birtukan was hauled to prison on 29 December 2008 where she remains in solitary confinement—“for life.”

Mrs. Birtukan later issued what she called “my testimony” [The quotes from her in this section are from the English version that is posted in www.freebirtukan.org] in which she made a competent crisp legal analysis of the “clemency” fracas. She began by saying “Although there is nothing that I will say different from what I know and believe in, I have decided to write this to clarify the issue since what happened has raised questions among the public. And, she added somewhat ominously: “Perhaps this can be my last word.” She then goes on to elaborate on the fact that the elders explained that “if we sign the document, which was crafted on the basis of our country’s tradition of forgiveness, the case would be stopped and the court file would be closed. She notes that the elders cited pm Meles’s exact words: “If this document is signed, using my executive power I will make sure that the charges be dropped.” The Meles-manipulated “mediation” process that produced the “document” the prisoners signed on 18 June 2006, was a complicated Byzantine political, legal and personal (Meles) maze. Those Kaliti fellow prison graduates who came out and spoke on the subject have corroborated the veracity of what she said. Mrs Birtukan concludes her brief with the following on the arbitrary and boorish manner of her arrest by the police and the real motive, for her reimprisonment:

“The only person that can remove the pardon is the President, and not the Executive (i.e. Meles) that you consider the government. Twenty days after the request for removal of pardon has been received by the person, if the pardon board agrees with the decision, the request will be presented to the President, and it is only after that the President might revoke the pardon. I wanted to explain to the Commissioner (of Police) these proper procedures that are necessary to remove a pardon. But I did not (get to) do that. After confirming that he has finished his speech, I left the room without saying a word. In my opinion, the reason why all these illegal intimidations and warnings have been aimed at me, have nothing to do with playing with words or inaccurate statements or rules broken. The message is clear and this message is not only for me but also for all who are active in the peaceful struggle. A peaceful and law-abiding political struggle can be conducted only within the limits the ruling party and individuals set and not according to what the constitution allows. And for me it is extremely difficult to accept this.”

What Mrs. Birtukan points to at the end of her statement is the open secret that the Meles regime has another general “election” coming up in 2010. The popular, competent and charismatic Mrs Birtukan and her UDJ party constitute once again a palpable threat to oust pm Meles in a free and fair election. Therefore, it is deemed necessary to remove her from the political scene to insure the perpetuation of Meles/TPLF repressive rule in Ethiopia. AwdeEthiopia summarizes what Mrs. Birtukan’s incarceration means in the wider scheme of things.

Imprisoning Birtukan is not just a matter of taking one individual or one party out of circulation. Holding Birtukan captive is snuffing out the dreams and hopes of our sisters and daughters. Jailing Birtukan is arresting the patriotism and aspirations for leadership of young Ethiopians. Incarcerating Birtukan is derailing the path to civil and peaceful political succession in place of the hackneyed cyclical violence and rule by the gun. Caging Birtukan is dousing our chance of leadership by a capable young lady.

Part II A poignant interview with Birtukan’s mother and her 4-year old daughter follows

An interview with Mrs. Birtukan’s mother and daughter
(translated from the Ethiopic)*

Political Prisoner Mrs. Birtukan Mideksa of Ethiopia
Chairperson of Unity for Democracy & Justice Party

Interview by Addis Admas Ethiopic newspaper with Mrs. Almaz Gebre Egziabher, the mother of Mrs. Birtukan Mideqsa, Ethiopian Democratic Party leader, whose current address is (again) Kaliti prison near Addis Ababa, and her daughter Haale (alpha) Mideksa. The interview was subsequently posted on Ethiopiazare.com.

Question (Q) Is Mrs. Birtukan Mideksa your only child?

Answer (A) I have a son from my first husband. After settling in Addis Ababa later on, I was married to Ethiopian Imperial Bodyguard veteran, Corporal Mideksa Demie, and gave birth to my only daughter Mimi—Birtukan’s [affectionate name] in 1974.

Even though our family’s standard of living was low, we raised her with special care and doting as our only daughter. Upon reaching school age, she attended Miazia 23 School in Addis Ababa.

What amazed us about Birtukan was that she would come home from school and just drop her books and notes and not even spend time studying. And we also learned that she had the habit of always raising her hand in class a drilling her teachers with questions. Still, she earned very good grades at every level and completed her eighth grade with a perfect 100 point scholastic score. I was, of course, elated at her brilliant achievement. She entered the well known Empress Menen high school and finished with very good grades. She was admitted at Addis Ababa University where she majored in law. Her streak of academic excellence continued unabated, and we proudly celebrated her University graduation by hosting a big open door public reception.

Q. How did she get along in the neighborhood as a child?

A. What I say about Mimi (affectionate name for Birtukan) is not just because she is my daughter. Everyone in our neighborhood can readily attest to her impeccable personality as a young person. She never had any fights or altercations with anyone. She was always respectful to everyone. She was blameless then and she is blameless now.

Q. How was your mother-daughter relationship during her student days in College?

A. She attended Addis Ababa University not very far from where we live, and she used to come to see us every week. Sadly, two years later her father passed away. I can say to you that he has been spared not to witness the torment that she has been undergoing at this moment in her life. Upon her graduation she came home and lived with me. She then began practicing law and became a judge in 1989. Shortly thereafter, she gave birth to a beautiful daughter, Haale. As we say in Ethiopia, my daughter Birtukan availed for me—the opportunity “to see my own eyes through my eye.” Our house was too old and collapsing and Birtukan had it rebuilt. She then became the center and sole provider of our three generations of life. Before she had a chance to relax and savor her family, however, she got involved in peoples’ causes for which she has been incarcerated.

Q. How young was Haale when Mrs. Birtukan was jailed?

A. When Birtukan was imprisoned three years ago my granddaughter Haale was only six months young. Even though I am advanced in age, I have been taking care of my grandchild most of the time. I used to take infant Haale also to see her jailed mother.

Q. How did you manage to carry provisions and travel to Kaliti jail [a distance of about 25 kilometers from Addis Ababa] to see Mrs. Birtukan during her incarceration in 2005-2007?

A. I was relatively stronger physically at that time. Sometimes I got a lift by some family and friends. Otherwise, I would take public transportation. However, I have gotten older and physically weaker this time around. Besides, I am burning inside with so much rage every day at her brutal treatment.

Q. In what condition do you find her now?

A. Despite her solitary confinement her health seems to be holding up. I must gratefully say that God is with her. Still, the fact remains that no one, even at a young age, can be comfortable in jail. Because of her steely spirit, however, she smiles and chats to relax us. Nevertheless, as a mother, I know she is hurting inside. I can visualize how, after we leave her, she goes to the solitary jail cell and begin fretting about her vulnerable, helpless, horrible condition. Her young adult life is being wrenched from her and her future rendered bleak. When I wake up from my nightmares about her I go through my own pangs of angst and pain. As for me, the inevitable death is near at hand. But, I thought that “government”–which is run by people who have families also—is supposed to be capable of mercy. I am at a loss as to what I could do or where I could go to save her. Rulers forgive countless criminals all the time–let alone Birtukan who is completely innocent. I appeal to her jailers to release my Birtukan and I give my word to restrain her from getting into trouble.

Q. You can communicate your message through this medium.

A. At first, I did not understand how it was that the jailers would relegate her to solitary confinement and then say that she could not see anyone else except her mother and daughter. Then we were told that the ruling was modified to allow other family members to visit her, but when we tried to do that the prison guards at Kaliti prison confounded us by saying that the order had not reached them. Under such frustrating circumstances, all I can say is that I will go on suffering because I am predestined to suffer.

Q. Did the court of the jailers not allow two people to help you carry provisions for Mrs. Birtukan?

A. What actually happened was as follows: As you can observe, I am a frail old lady. For some time now since my daughter has been jailed, I have had to carry provisions and on occasions my granddaughter Haale by myself. But thanks be to God there were people who helped me some times. I had to carry everything not only to the Kaliti prison but to the place of her solitary confinement which is much farther from the gate. At first, the word was that nobody else was allowed to visit her until a “court” order could allow it. Some of the jail guards sometimes helped me with the load inside the prison grounds. And I was getting very exhausted and frustrated. So, I implored the jail guards to give me some slack and allow a couple of people to help me in accord to my appeal to the jailers court. They said that the order had not yet arrived but asked me to give them two names and temporarily they will try to let such people to help—provided they are cleared through background checks. I had also requested that since the same two people may not always be able to help to get two passes for other volunteers. But, the request was denied. Why should I be in such a quandary as if I am not a social being. After all, other prisoners are visited by their family and friends without restrictions. I thought that “courts” have higher authority. If that is so, why isn’t their ruling not honored in our case? Everyone is thoroughly searched before entering the jail anyway and no one can take anything out of
the jail. So, I do not understand why everything is in a knot for us.

Q. Is your granddaughter Haale difficult to handle when you take her to see her jailed mother?

A. Perhaps God has graciously limited my woes on some fronts; my granddaughter Haale does not bother me at all. She has been used to being with me and in an uncanny way, her demeanor and precocious behavior reminds me so much of Birtukan at her age. We get reports from her preschool that Haale is extremely bright—and I say to myself, ‘like mother like daughter’. Frequently, the school paints star images on Haale’s hand saying that she has been chosen the star of the month. And when she sees her mother in jail they hug, chat and kiss and enjoy each other as long as allowed and, as Haale leaves she says to her mother, ”You are coming home at night, right?” Nowadays, whenever something is being prepared at home, young Haale says “This is for Burte, (my Birtukan) yes?”

Q. What are your expectations from here on?

A. There is not much I know about the situation and nothing positive I can see on the horizon. But there is something I believe in strongly. Human beings are flawed and everyone makes mistakes in life. Even if Birtukan was in error, why can she not be forgiven for God’s sake and for the sake of humanity and of their own children? I am sure those who have children understand what being a mother is. Birtukan is an educated, capable and innocent young citizen. Why is it that this young lady who could make much contribution to her fellow Ethiopians, is thrown into jail and placed in solitary confinement “for life” like a murderer or other high profile criminal? And, lest I forget, she is also my only solace and pension at this point in my dwindling life. Even God would approve their act if jailers deem that she has had enough punishment and let go of her. I pray that God softens their hearts.

________________________

[Interviewer comment]
Birtukan’s daughter, Haale is an adorable, precocious girl. Having watched the recording with her
grandmother, the young Haale asked us to record her also. So, we happily obliged and conducted the
palaver with her.
________________________

Q. What is your name, your age and where do you go to school?

A. My name is Haale Mideqsa; I am four years young; I go to One Planet School.

Q. Who is Birtukan Mideqsa to you?

A. She is my mother and I love her. When I go to see her I hug her and kiss her. She loves me too. I ask her if she is alright. She quickly prepares to nourish me.

Q. Who do you go with to visit your mother?

A. I go with Emama (referring to her grandmother) as well as my mother’s cousin Emusha and Gashe Dereje who drives us to Kaliti.

Q. So, you went inside where she is imprisoned to see her?

A. Yes, I had to see her by any means. Here her grandmother intervenes to say that a couple of times Haale went back to her mother’s room because she had to relieve herself, and at another time she had cried because she had not said goodbye to her mother, and the guards smiled and let her in again briefly.

Q. What sort of conversation do you have with your mother?

A. One day I said to my mother “Happy Birthday” [DOB: 27 April 1974]. But when I ask her how many days are left before she is released, she does not give me an answer. She does not say she will be released or not released. I long for her so much!
___________________________

*Unsolicited, unofficial, personal translation from the Ethiopic original, NA.
___________________________

Part III Concluding Remarks

Referring to the 2005-2007 incarceration of the 131 Ethiopian political leaders and activists, himself included, Dr. Berhanu Nega made an astute remark when he said that in Ethiopia “all of us are prisoners, be it within narrower (local) or wider (national) prison walls of the country.” Mrs. Birtukan Mideksa is the only woman in Ethiopian history to have been victimized and imprisoned in solitary confinement “for life.” In point of fact, she may be the only woman anywhere in recent memory to be victimized in this fiendish and unscrupulous manner based on spurious, self-serving, illicit charges by a tyrant. It is not only Birtukan who is imprisoned but also her daughter Haale and her mother, Weizero (Mrs) Almaz–all three generations. Birtukan is a single mother who is the only breadwinner in her family. What crime did she commit to be thrown into solitary confinement to vegetate “for life” at the prime age of 35? How does the punishment fit the “crime?” Even for Ethiopia–a country that is hoary with age, this is not the 7th or the 12th Century; it is the 21st Century. How is it possible that Mrs Birtukan’s human and civil rights can be so grossly abused without incessant and effective indignation and outrage being brought to bear on the sadists in Addis Ababa who get away with such brutality in this day and age? This is cruel and unusual punishment. It is a clear violation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

By dint of historical coincidence news about two other female figures on the international political scene has commanded much attention recently. One is the case of the indefatigable Nobel Peace Prize winner and veteran pro-democracy leading lady, Aung San Suu Kyi of Myanmar (Burma). She had won the 1990 election but was forbidden to assume power and jailed instead since then, including house arrest for the past three years. The military junta under General Than Shwe has now charged her with breach of her house arrest conditions and is awaiting “court” proceedings. As in the case of Birtukan Mideksa of Ethiopia, an election is scheduled hence in Myanmar also and the regime wants her out of any political action. The other recent news is about an Iranian/Japanese American lady, Roxana Saberi, who was thrown in jail in Iran charged with spying. After 100 days of non-stop media coverage of her case and international pressure, she has just been released and is back home in the United States safe and sound. In both of these cases, the White House and the State Department have made timely, explicit and, one must say an effective benign intervention on behalf of the causes of both detained ladies.

One wonders why such principled benign intervention has not been forthcoming with regard to Mrs. Birtukan Mideksa of Ethiopia, Africa. Ethiopians/Africans/Ethiopian Americans and all peoples of goodwill everywhere who value justice, democracy and human rights have yet to hear from not only the White House and the State Department but many others as well on behalf of Mrs. Birtukan Mideksa of Ethiopia. She has already been vegetating in solitary confinement for over five months or 150 days and 150 nights over semantics. She ought not be in jail for a day, an hour or even a minute.

Mrs Birtukan did not kill or hurt anyone
She did not conspire to overthrow the regime
She did not steal or engage in corruption
She did not betray her country or her people
She did not desecrate the Ethiopian flag
She did not commit crimes against humanity
She did not sever or land lock the country
She did not serve or spy for un-Ethiopian interests
She did not insult or defame anyone
She did not use or sell drugs

A horrific crime is being committed in Ethiopia today. In this day and age, how can innocent Mrs. Birtukan Mideksa of Ethiopia be sent to (a) solitary confinement (b) in prison (c) for life because of some semantics in interpretation of a flawed document signed under duress? How long must Birtukan, her daughter and her mother continue suffering before appropriate and effective benign intervention happens? Mrs. Birtukan’s, young, promising, and productive public service life is halted. Her ability to nurture her daughter and care for her aged mother has been interrupted. Her daughter Haale has been deprived of her mother’s love and parenting. At her advanced age, her mother, W/o Almaz has been left to fend for herself and her granddaughter in the horrible circumstances prevailing in Addis Ababa and in Ethiopia at large today. Also, the country is deprived of a rare inspiring and empowering young female leader. Thus, it is not only the three generations of the Birtukan family that are imprisoned; but Ethiopia as a whole is also held as a hostage by the fiendish Meles/TPLF regime. By any measure, this is a crime against humanity. And, where is the outrage by humanity?
_____________
Professor Negussay teaches at UCLA. His recent books are Ethiopia & the United States, the Season of Courtship,
Volume 1 and In Search of the DNA of the Ethiopia/Eritrean Problem.

The sad but funny aspects of Ethiopia’s parliament

Most of the time, MPs or journalists attending parliamentary sessions are accustomed to witnessing parliamentarians belonging to the ruling party EPRDF raising their hands, almost without exception, in favor of passing any motion tolled on the floor.

But on Thursday out of a habit of raising their hands for the YEA, they practically voted NAY against the wishes of the leaders of their party.

Parliament was discussing a bill amending the National Flag Proclamation, and at the last moment, yielding to comments made by the opposition MPs, EPRDF’s deputy whip proposed to postpone the draft amendment from being referred to one of the standing committees. So EPRDF MPs should have voted against referring the bill to the standing committee.

But out of habit, they raised their hands for referring it to the committees, and they had to lower their hands when they saw the disapproving look from senior members of the party who were sitting in the front row - which caused laughter among other attendees.
Source: Ethiopolitics.com