Former Somali president eyes Uganda, Ethiopia for asylum

Friday, January 23, 2009


Kampa, Uganda (APA) - The former Somali president Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed, is frantically in search of seeking asylum either in Uganda, Ethiopia or to a Middle East country, a goverment daily reported here on Friday.

The paper quoted the Ugandan Chief of Defence Forces, General Aronda Nyakairima who appeared before a parliamentary committee on Defense and internal affairs on Thursday.

Gen. Nyakairima however, did not tell the committee whether Uganda is willing to grant Yusuf asylum, but said the former president had said he would not become an obstacle to the dialogue that was going on in Somalia if granted asylum anywhere.

Yusuf resigned on December 29, 2008 after having failed to sack Prime Minister Nur Hassan Hussein as well as for the lackadaiscal attitude shown in the peace process in the country.

The speaker of the transitional parliament, Sheik Adan Madobe Mohamed, since assumed the acting presidency.

Nyakirima Aronda had been responding to concerns raised by Members of Parliament on Uganda’s presence in Somalia, the rebel Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) incursions in Congo and the joint security operation by Uganda, Sudan and DRC against rebels in Gramba national park.

Somalia should have a new president by January 29, according to Uganda’s defense minister Dr. Chrispus Kiyonga.

He insisted that Somali leaders were gathering in Djibouti to take appropriate steps to elect the president.

On the Elders and Mediation

by Professor Mesfin Wolde Mariam

Elder mediation is a shrine to millions of Ethiopians. Conflict is inevitable within communities and within families. The traditional mediation used to lubricate discord and replace tension with negotiation is very different in form and in character from the process we experience in the name of elder mediation today. In Ethiopian tradition, elder mediation has a spiritual basis. Elder mediation is a deed of God.

Elder mediation is a spiritual shrine for reconciliation, peace and love. This shrine does not have a building. It has been passed on through generations borne in the mind, conscience and spirit of the competent elder. The elder with authority to mediate is someone who is endowed with this authority spiritually, morally and intellectually. This phenomenon has been passed on through generations. I believe that the following are the primary spiritual bases for elder mediation.

“Blessed are they which do hunger and thirst after righteousness: for they shall be filled.”

“Blessed are the merciful: for they shall obtain mercy.”

“Blessed are the peacemakers: for they shall be called the children of God.”

The words may not be the same, but I believe that there is a similarly strong philosophy in Islam as well. Reconciliation, love and peace have enormous spiritual value, which becomes seriously compromised when they are given any other kind of value. They become a commodity. They become a source of shame and embarrassment to both the mediator and the conflicting parties.

So, who qualifies as an elder mediator? There are several characteristics that are essential requirements. Spirituality is one. The way I understand spirituality, it means to remain loyal to the truth, to equality and to justice. Elder mediators have to be “those who hunger and thirst after righteousness.” They have to be people who will not submit to either power or to wealth.

They have to have the fear of God, and a concern for humanity, and be guided by love and stand for peace. Intellectually, they have to be well versed in society’s history, traditions and norms. Through the witty use of proverbial stories, they have the eloquence to explain, convince, bring together and reconcile by tactfully exposing difficult and embarrassing issues. They have the wisdom to carefully bring out fermenting issues and initiate healing.

These are the reasons that those sought after for elder mediation are those who have the spiritual and moral authority. They are respected and command an audience. They are, above all, trusted. A commentator stated something profound in speaking recently on BBC regarding the atrocities suffered by Palestinians. He said that weak individuals will not bring about peace. Those sought after for elder mediation have strong spiritual courage and cannot be weak.

I do not refer to spiritual authority only in terms of ordination. Descent elders with no ordination could have spiritual authority If they are very well respected by society and highly regarded,it means that they have moral and spiritual leadership. The spiritual authority of religious leadership on its own does not merit the role of elder mediator. However, a religious leader who has accepted the rules of the Kibre Negest will no doubt have authority as elder mediator. Kibre Negest states, “The common people under the King, will not badmouth the King”, and then adds:

“As the heart of the ordained is filled with Christ’s light of truth and is designated as the light that removes darkness, a conscientious religious leader will chastise the King about his own adverse observations. Oh, religious leader, when you observe a known sin, be not afraid to chastise. Be neither afraid of the sword, or of exile.”

One does not qualify as elder mediator if one is simply a religious leader but lacks the moral courage. The authority obtained through ordainment will not translate into authority in the social context. The person has to be “the light of truth” in order to be able to remove darkness, conflict, mistrust and discord.

We also need to recognize the need for truthfulness in elder mediation. “The truth shall set you free” is a basic tenet of elder mediation. The purpose of elder mediation is to set the perpetrator free from his sin, and the victim from vindictiveness. An inconclusive attempt to reconcile cannot become mediation.The reconciliation will not be enduring. In mediation, the perpetrator is identified, the violation is named, the degree of the violation is measured, the frequency and duration is assessed and the perpetrator is then asked to either provide adequate compensation, or made to carry a stone and ask for forgiveness. The effort to make the perpetrator provide compensation or ask for forgiveness is no less important than the effort to make the victim free of all vindictiveness. It is to invalidate the saying, “The victim will never forget, even if the perpetrator does”. It is this sense of vindictiveness that is passed on for generations when the name “Demmelash” is given to newborn sons.

It is said that a king desirous of reconciliation can be mediated by a peasant, but a peasant not wishing for reconciliation cannot be mediated even by a king. This is because the problem is not just with the perpetrator, but rather also with the victim who, given the opportunity, may retaliate with another violation. A victim will harbor the resentment. The purpose of elder mediation is to completely remove this sense of vengeance. This cannot be made to happen through cover-ups. In a society where covering up is the norm, it is really hard to believe that such cover-ups will bring about an enduring reconciliation. Covering up and reconciling will only result in delaying the conflict, and perhaps even escalating it.

In a society prone to exacerbating problems than resolving them, it is necessary to have shrines whose observations and testimony is enduring and based on the truth. As the saying goes, Even the shrub can stand for a tree where there are none. The moral, spiritual, righteous and Godly purpose of elder mediation is now transformed so much that it has become a cheap commodity. Saleable mediation is alien to the purpose and characteristics of traditional Ethiopian elder mediation. Westerners have mediators for marital conflict and labor conflict and the like. This kind of mediation is not elder mediation. It is a trade. The truth can be replaced by craft, and the result may not last.

Those who are afraid of the truth will not qualify for traditional Ethiopian elder mediation. At the risk of sounding like I am boasting, I will share the story of this young, mature hard-working secretary at Haile Sellassie I University. Her mother was going to marry her off to someone she had identified, while she was in love with someone else. She ran away and went to Asmara, and her brother came to me for help. I was able to track her down and convince her to come to Addis Ababa and stay with me while I arranged for a meeting with her mother.

Mother and daughter were seated across the room from each other. I started speaking to the mother about how regrettable it was that she had disappointed her beloved daughter, who cares about her so much, by trying to force her to live according to her own will rather than according to the daughter’s own desire, when she was mature and responsible enough to make these decisions herself. Suddenly, the mother jumped from her seat and fell at her daughter’s feet, begging for forgiveness, as the daughter was doing the same. With them both on the floor overcome with emotion, I was choking with tears and left the room. Today, this young woman has grown children having married the man of her choice. I admire the mother’s acceptance of the truth. The truth sets you free.

There is another example that actually involves all of Africa. When Emperor Haile Sellassie founded the Organization of African Unity (I doubt that it can be said that anyone else did), there was a conflict among many powerful leaders (such as Nasser, Benbela, Nyrere, Idi Amin). It was the moral authority of the Emperor that compelled them all to remain in the convention hall until about 2 or 3 in the morning when the Charter of the Union was finally signed. The happiness and pride that I felt that day was immense. To those of us who were there, it was a miracle that all those arrogant dictators were finally convinced and compelled to sign the document. There is moral authority when one stands firmly grounded in the truth carrying a clear purpose beneficial to all the conflicting parties.

Who seeks reconciliation? Those who desire peace seek reconciliation. Those who believe that above them is the Creator, the law and the power of the people and those who have foresight seek reconciliation. Those who feel they are accountable to no one, those who will violate with impunity, and believe that they have the power to do so, have no other authority than their might. Therefore they will see no reason to seek reconciliation. On the part of the victim, there is a saying that a victim living in poverty will promptly ask for forgiveness. This is in the hope that by posing as perpetrator the powerless can convey that he holds no grudge. However, both the victim, and the perpetrator are bound by the chains of the violation. The perpetrator lives under constant fear and concern that with opportunity, the victim may retaliate. The victim lives under constant fear and concern that with opportunity the perpetrator may strike again for fear of retaliation. It is precisely this concern and fear that reconciliation will remove. This is why it is said that: The truth will set you free. This is why, elder mediation should be based on truth.

We saw what happens when elder mediation loses its basis in truth when Birtukan went to prison. Of those who were involved in the elder mediation such as Professor Ephrem , and Pastor Daniel, who used to say these wonderful prayers for us; and Ato Tamiru (although he joined only towards the end of the process, he helped us understand the legal aspects and shared his expertise), not one has come forward to give their testimony to the public. This has happened in spite of the fact that the truth has blown up in our faces and someone is in grave danger. That they have chosen the safety of their silence is quite revealing of the quality of the mediation that took place.

Still, this shouldn’t detract from our gratitude to these elders in recognition of the concern and good wishes they expressed for us while in prison, and of their desire and effort towards bringing about peace in the country.

In any case, if we cannot hear the truth from them, it is inevitable that we will speak out about what we know.

Close Ranks, Open Hearts and Minds, Shake Hands and Get Busy!

By Alemayehu G. Mariam

Time to Close Ranks Against Dictatorship!

It is time to close ranks against an arrogant and abusive dictatorship in Ethiopia! It is time for all Ethiopians in the Diaspora to come together and stand up against Evil. As the old saying goes, “All that is necessary for evil to triumph is that good men and women do nothing.”
Today Evil has triumphed in Ethiopia, and good Ethiopian men and women must forge solidarity to rescue their country from the clutches of a malignant dictator. A thuggish dictatorship in Ethiopia is on a crime spree: a leading opposition figure is snatched off the street and slammed into prison to serve out a life sentence. Ms. Birtukan Mideksa, President of Unity, Democracy and Justice Party (UDJP), is put back in prison because she expressed a personal opinion about the “pardon” she received following her conviction in a kangaroo court. Peaceful and lawful political parties and organizations are under the constant threat of dissolution, mindless bureaucratic control and regulation and vindictive prosecutions. Opposition political leaders and dissidents remain under 24-hour surveillance, relentless harassment and intimidation. Members of the independent press are subjected to police interrogation, constant harassment, arbitrary arrests, detentions and persecution. The charity work of international non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Ethiopia has been criminalized; and by “law”, they are prohibited from working on human rights issues in the country. Human Rights Watch predicted that this pretentious and asinine law “will make Ethiopia one of the most inhospitable places in the world for both Ethiopian and international human rights groups.”
Human rights violations in Ethiopia in the past year have intensified as thousands of political prisoners are held in detention facilities throughout the country in violation of the “laws” and “constitution” of the country and international law. The country’s limited resources continue to be squandered on a misbegotten war. The ruling thugs in Ethiopia have been accused of committing war crimes on a massive scale in Somalia, and crimes against humanity against Ethiopians. Famine threatens to destroy one-quarter of the Ethiopian population as the dictators sip on Remy Martin Louis XIII cognac and throw lavish balls and galas to entertain themselves. The cost of living in Ethiopia has reached astronomical levels, depriving the vast majority of Ethiopians the capacity to earn a living or feed their families. The corrupt and decadent plutocracy and its lackeys continue to rapaciously plunder the country’s economy and resources. Cumulatively, the ruling thugs have propelled Ethiopia to the top of the list of failed states in the world.
Against this background, pro-democracy Ethiopians in the Diaspora have remained organizationally fragmented, politically divided and remain incapable of working collaboratively with each other. Leaders and representatives of political parties have been unable to forge solidarity and common purpose to oppose a ruthless dictatorship. They have failed to provide adequate leadership, guidance and direction to the struggle. As a result, there is much disillusionment and disappointment among Diaspora Ethiopians. Some feel betrayed by those whose political or civic leadership has fallen short; they are turned off by politics. Many have reached a low point of pessimism and believe that it is impossible to create solidarity among Diaspora Ethiopians. They say it is impossible to unite the Ethiopian Diaspora because there are just “too many differences. They say we don’t like to admit our mistakes or to ask forgiveness for them. They say we are more concerned about getting credit for doing something than delivering results. They say we lack trust in each other, and we are quick to undermine each other’s efforts than building upon them. Others have vowed never to be involved in politics; others harbor contempt for those involved in it. There are also many who have vowed never to quit their efforts to resist dictatorship and defend democracy, freedom and human rights in Ethiopia. These Ethiopians reject the politics of self-defeatism and capitulation, and firmly embrace the power of collective action.
Then there is PERCEPTION. Ethiopians in the Diaspora have become the laughing stock of dictators who often remind us with contempt that we are a do-nothing group of whiners who can not even talk to each other civilly let alone unite and present a credible alternative to their brutal dictatorship. They taunt us “to go into the bush and fight our way to political power” as they did. They hold us insomuch contempt that they have the audacity to say publicly that we can be bought and sold for thirty pieces of silver — or a promise for plot of land, a government job, duty-free imports and the illusion of access to power. They talk about our principles and integrity in the same manner as brokers talk about commodities on the Chicago Board of Trade. They insult our intelligence by telling us cock-and-bull stories about gold worth millions of dollars walking out of the front door of the banks and other stories fit for kindergartners. But perception is reality and what we believe about ourselves and what our adversaries think about us are important. We must deal with both perceptions and realities.
We have now come to the crossroads: We must close ranks and deal with the reality of a ruthless dictatorship and dispel perceptions of Diasporic impotence and dysfunctionality through collective, concerted and decisive actions.Let’s Open Hearts and Minds!
One of the biggest realities today for Diaspora Ethiopians is the fact that we are in a lose-lose situation in opposing the ruling thugs in Ethiopia. Because of our fragmentation and inability to forge a common democratic front and maintain solidarity, we have been unable to act effectively and help our people in the motherland. Because we have been unable to learn from our past mistakes, make corrections and come to a collective resolution on an action plan to help overcome the challenges facing the Motherland, we find ourselves in a state of political paralysis. Because we have been locked into a zero-sum game where only one side wins and the other sides always loses, we find ourselves in an endless loop of lose-lose outcomes. Because we have been concerned with turf — some political leaders want to maintain insularity and primacy, some civic society leaders run their organizations through a narrow field of vision, political and civic groups often compete for the same base of membership often resulting in conflict and antagonisms, etc. — we have been unable to focus our collective energies on the enormous tasks before us.
We must transform this lose-lose situation into a win-win situation through a process of cooperation, collaboration, partnership and team work for the ultimate benefit of the Ethiopian people. But a win-win situation requires concerted, determined and relentless effort to change hearts and minds, beginning with each individual.
Change must first come in our hearts. Ethiopians in the Diaspora need to come to a new understanding that transcends the bitterness, petty grudges, personal animus and hatred, recrimination and distrust of the past. The reason is simple: the motherland is suffering! At a time when lawful internal opposition is crushed, dissent stamped out, human rights trampled upon, famine is spreading like wildfire, we cannot afford to stand by idly suspicious and distrustful of each other. We have a higher duty that requires us to purge our hearts of thoughts and feelings that weaken us as a unified democratic opposition. The time has come to take a stand, to make a public declaration that “our differences are far less important than the urgent need to work together in the cause of freedom, democracy and human rights in Ethiopia.” We must replace the self-defeatism and self-doubt which weighs heavily on our hearts today with the courage of a can-do spirit and defiance in the face of Evil. We must stop practicing the politics of personal destruction of our allies and potential allies in the cause and embrace the politics of collective reconciliation and consensus-building. We must begin to cultivate a genuine sense of brotherhood and sisterhood.
We must also open our minds. Many of us in the Diaspora confuse symptoms in the Ethiopian body politics with the real disease afflicting the Ethiopian nation. Zenawi’s dictatorship is a symptom of a more fundamental disease of poverty of democratic culture, institutions and practices afflicting Ethiopian society. If Zenawi left tomorrow, the symptom that manifested itself in his dictatorship may be removed, but the disease of despotism, intolerance of dissent, narrow-mindedness and prejudice will not be gone with him. Zenawi replaced his intellectual mentor Mengistu; and in the end, he managed to refine his mentor’s reign of terror to a new level of cruelty and depravity. We must open our minds and develop rational approaches, long-term strategies and initiatives to create a win-win situation.
Opening our minds requires a number of steps. First, we must change the way we think about, understand and react to the problems of dictatorship and democracy in Ethiopia. We must critically examine our assumptions about our understanding of the current dictatorship and the dire situation it has created in Ethiopia today. We must ask fundamental questions: Who is in control of Ethiopia today? Alternatively, who is NOT in control in Ethiopia today? Can Ethiopians deviously fragmented into ethnic, regional, linguistic, etc., groups ever be able to control their country or destiny? How can Ethiopians rescue their country from the clutches of criminal thugs? 2) We must develop a new understanding of the issues and problems in a broader context. When a dictator arbitrarily jails leading opposition leaders, bans civil society, decimates the independent press and sneers at the rule of law, is that a triumph of dictatorship or failure of a united democratic opposition? Alternatively, if pro-democracy Diaspora Ethiopians could come to a consensus that a dictatorship of thugs is the central problem of governance in Ethiopia today, is it possible to oppose such thugs by relying on the old strategies of one-upmanship, duplicity, intrigue, turf-protection, recriminations and working at cross-purposes?
Second, we must also develop a new approach — a new paradigm — to the struggle for democracy in Ethiopia based on an express commitment to a set of core values and principles that will enable us to defer our differences for another time. Our core values must be built on two compelling philosophical principles: 1) Our humanity must always rise above our ethnicity, nationality, religiosity, Africanity or Ethiopianity. 2) No one can be truly free in Ethiopia unless ALL Ethiopians are free. If we subscribe to these two core principles, open our minds and hearts and collectively pull together, we will soon find ourselves in a win-win situation.
But let us be absolutely clear about our New Paradigm: We are not concerned about a particular dictator or his long criminal record. Our new paradigm is about the future of the country we would like our children to inherit. For that reason alone, our goal is to win the hearts and minds of Ethiopians both at home and in the Diaspora by appealing to their innate sense of humanity, decency, dignity, compassion, thirst for freedom and yearning for human rights and the rule of law. This is our turnaround. When thugs use force and violence to enforce their rule, we must use reason and truth to empower the people and liberate their spirits. When thugs use intimidation and harassment to control the people, we must use knowledge and facts to expand their intellectual horizons. When thugs make the people their enemies by acts of unspeakably cruelty, we must make friends with them by spreading the gospel of freedom and human rights among them, and forging a common bond in their suffering and yearning for democracy. Opposing dictatorship is not the problem. Everybody (except the dictators) agrees it is a bad thing. But what is needed is consensus to build a viable and effective pro-democracy movement in the Diaspora. In our new paradigm, the central issue will be how to get all Ethiopians who believe in freedom, democracy and human rights involved and engaged in a pro-democracy movement. That is why we are calling for a convention of Diaspora Ethiopians which is inclusive of all segments of society — political leaders and their support groups, grassroots advocates and activists, civil society and religious organizations and their members, media representatives and concerned individuals — to join in and facilitate this grand dialogue at a Diaspora convention.Let’s Meet and Shake Hands!
So how do we begin this long and difficult journey? We begin by shaking hands and making a personal commitment to participate in the dialogue. We begin by working to create opportunities to meet and greet our “adversaries” in the pro-democracy movement with open arms, open hearts and open minds. We begin by accepting responsibility for past mistakes without playing the blame or victimhood game. We begin by acknowledging each other’s vital importance to the cause of freedom, democracy and human rights in Ethiopia, and expressing genuine appreciation to each other for taking the first steps in the direction of consensus-building and concerted action. As we shake hands, it will be necessary to check in our egos, our past grudges, and the bitterness of the past at the gate. There is no place for them at the convention. We shall begin the enormous task ahead with a compassionate heart, clear conscience, critical mind, and liberated spirit.A Diaspora Convention and Manifesto: Let’s Get Busy in 2009!
Our preliminary task is to establish a mechanism to facilitate the planning of an all Diaspora Ethiopians convention to develop an agenda which focuses on democracy, freedom and the protection of human rights in Ethiopia. There are preliminary steps to be taken in that direction. First, Ethiopian Diaspora communities throughout the world need to begin discussions on the viability, timeliness and appropriateness of an all Ethiopia Diaspora convention at this point in our history. We believe there is a groundswell of interest in such an effort based on the massive input we have received from many groups and individuals. Second, we need to initiate broad discussion about the core issues that bind Diaspora Ethiopians. We believe there is widespread support among Diaspora Ethiopians on the need to work together on the issues of democratic institution-building, institutionalization of basic freedoms and protection of human rights. Third, we need to prepare ourselves to come to an agreement on a Diaspora Ethiopian Manifesto which provides a clear statement of who we are and what we stand for. We believe it is necessary to provide a public declaration of principles and intentions of our efforts to ensure maximum transparency and accountability.
In taking these preliminary steps, we must be mindful of what it takes to do it right. First, the dialogue must be open to all who agree on the core issues of democracy, freedom and human rights in Ethiopia. There shall be no precondition for participation in the dialogue except for philosophical agreement on the two core principles mentioned above. Second, leadership and active participation in the dialogue must not be left entirely to the usual suspects — the academics, the political and civic leaders and the partisan advocates. All segments of the Ethiopian Diaspora community must take ownership of the dialogue. Most of all, the involvement and participation of the younger generation of Ethiopians and women is paramount. Effective activism requires active involvement of these two segments of the population. Young people and women bring dynamism, energy, fresh ideas, and renewed commitment to the cause. If there is any doubt about the enormous role women can play in defending freedom, democracy and human rights in Ethiopia, one need only look at the heroic contributions of Birtukan Mideksa. It is not surprising that Birtukan should be the ultimate symbol of courage and defiance against the thuggish dictatorship in Ethiopia. We should insist on the full engagement of women and young people in this dialogue.
The dialogue we hope to begin in earnest must be tightly structured. We must make a clean break with the troubled dialogue of the past which emphasized ethnic, linguistic and regional differences, historical grievances and political or ideological differences. We must make explicit commitments to defer for another time such issues and focus on the core issues freedom, democracy and human rights. If we can do that, I believe 2009 will prove to be a watershed year. In 2009 we may be able to get pro-democracy Diaspora Ethiopians to speak in one voice to defend democracy, freedom and human rights in Ethiopia. We have cause for great optimism. Where dictators draw their strength from the barrel of a gun, we draw our powers from the wisdom, compassion, goodness, spiritual and moral strength of our people and ancient culture. Our people are waiting for a new message of hope from across the seas. To date, they hear a cacophony of noises that grate their ears and ache their hearts. We have a duty to mend their aching hearts with a clear message that says Ethiopians in the Diaspora have resolved to speak in one voice for the cause of democracy, freedom and human rights in Ethiopia.
Past Mistakes and Future Greatness: A Call and a Plea to the Ethiopian Diaspora to Open Dialogue Only on One Question: What is Good for the Country Our Children Will Inherit?
President-elect Barack Obama recently posed a central question to the American people: “It is time to put good ideas ahead of the old ideological battles, a sense of common purpose above the same narrow partisanship, and insist that the first question each of us asks isn’t ‘What’s good for me?’ but ‘What’s good for the country my children will inherit?’”
We must pose the same question to Diaspora Ethiopians: “What’s good for the country our children will inherit?” Put differently, is the Ethiopia that is good for Zenawi and his thugs the Ethiopia we would like our children to inherit? Barack obviously understood that Americans do not want their children to inherit an America that is good for the rapacious Halliburton, the mercenary army of Blackwater and the Wall Street crooks. He talked about a new American spirit, a can-do spirit that will enable Americans to rise above the problems of the day. “It is this spirit that will enable us to confront these challenges with the same spirit that has led previous generations to face down war and depression and fear itself. And if we do — if we are able to summon that spirit again; if are able to look out for one another and listen to one another, and do our part for our nation and for posterity — then I have no doubt that, years from now, we will look back on 2009 as one of those years that marked another new and hopeful beginning for the United States of America.”
We in the Ethiopian Diaspora can also look to our history and “summon that spirit” that led us to defeat a mighty European colonial power twice and the spirit that helped us withstand great trials and tribulations in our history. We can summon that great spirit which just three years ago that led to the massive electoral victory of Kinijt in the first free election in the history of Ethiopia. Today, in the Ethiopian Diaspora we do not have a poverty of spirit, only of personal and political will. Let us make 2009 a new and hopeful beginning for Ethiopia.
We must urgently open dialogue on what is good for the country our children will inherit.
The Fierce Urgency of Now to Fight for the Ethiopian Dream!
As Barack Obama thoughtfully reflected on the situation in America, “Our problems are rooted in past mistakes, not our capacity for future greatness.” One can make the same argument for Ethiopians. We must not be prisoners of past mistakes; rather we should use genuine dialogue and consensus-building as weapons of liberation and transform ourselves into a mighty force of democratic change in Ethiopia. Eleanor Roosevelt said, “The future belongs to those who believe in the beauty of their dreams.” And our beautiful dream for the Ethiopia that our children will inherit should be one where the rule of law is woven into the fabric of the society and permeates the deepest recesses of the consciences of every Ethiopian; where no person shall fear for their personal security and liberties; where government fears the people and the people hold government on a short leash; where rights guaranteed by constitutional and international law are observed and protected; where judges are independent of political control and perform their duties with fidelity to the country’s constitution and laws; where elections are free, fair and universal; where every man, woman and child shall have the freedom of opportunity; where there is full legal and social equality among men and women; where one’s ethnic, linguistic or regional origins are respected and protected by law; where the free press performs its natural office of informing citizens and serving as a watchdog on government corruption and abuse of power; and where no person will be imprisoned or persecuted because of their political ideas or beliefs.
These are my “beautiful dreams” for Ethiopia, as I hope they are for many Ethiopians in the Diaspora. That is why I have committed myself to the cause. I have no illusions about the enormity of the task and difficulty of the enterprise we are about to undertake. Some well-intentioned people might be skeptical of the call to dialogue and my urgent plea on behalf of this beautiful dream. They may consider it idealistic and impractical. No doubt, the wardens of Ethiopia Prison Nation, Inc., will laugh boisterously and wager our efforts will fail. As they have disdainfully questioned many times before, they will do so again: “How can they aspire to serious dialogue when they can not even talk to each other under ordinary circumstances.” Let them laugh. But we should not be discouraged in our efforts to form a united Ethiopian Diaspora voice for freedom, democracy and human rights in Ethiopia. The true test of our success is in holding dialogue by putting the urgent needs of Ethiopia and Ethiopians above our own narrow interests. We must begin this dialogue with the fierce urgency of now. As we celebrate Dr. Martin Luther King’s birthday today, it is important for us to heed to his prophetic words: “We are now faced with the fact, my friends, that tomorrow is today. We are confronted with the fierce urgency of now. In this unfolding conundrum of life and history, there is such a thing as being too late. Procrastination is still the thief of time.” We must act now and begin the dialogue. Tomorrow is too late. That’s why I am calling on all Ethiopians in the Diaspora to come together with the fierce urgency of now and act to rescue their country from chokehold of thugs.Post Script: Doing Nothing is Not An Option!
We can’t afford to sit down with folded arms and wait for something to happen. We must act now as a unified Diasporic force. If we don’t, the nightmare of Zenawi’s brutal dictatorship could linger on for some time to come. In short, a bad situation could become dramatically worse. We did not arrive at our present predicament suddenly or by some accident of history. What we see today has been unfolding for the last 18 years. During this period, many Diaspora Ethiopians stood watching on the sidelines in silence, and did nothing. That option is no longer available to us.
We will come forward with specific and concrete proposals for a Diaspora Dialogue in the foreseeable future. For now, we plead earnestly with all Ethiopians in the Diaspora to close ranks, open hearts and minds, shake hands and prepare to get busy in 2009.
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The writer, Alemayehu G. Mariam, is a professor of political science at California State University, San Bernardino, and an attorney based in Los Angeles. For comments, he can be reached at almariam@gmail.com

Barack H. Obama Sworn In as the 44th President of the United States

New York Times

Barack Hussein Obama became the 44th president of the United States Tuesday, and called on Americans to join him in confronting what he described as an economic crisis caused by greed but also “our collective failure to make hard choices.”

“Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real,” Mr. Obama said in his inaugural address minutes after he took the oath of office on the same bible used by Abraham Lincoln at his first inaugural in 1861. “They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America — they will be met.” Read the rest here.

Ethiopian Government Minister Reacts to U.S. Senators' Criticism

By James ButtyWashington, DC20 January 2009

A senior Ethiopian official says his government has a responsibility to maintain law and order and would not be swayed by outside criticism. The official, Bereket Simon, an advisor to Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, was responding to a letter from four influential U.S. senators to the Ethiopian prime minister.
In their letter, the four senators, including Russell Feingold, chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on Africa, warned that U.S.-Ethiopian relations could become more difficult because of the Ethiopian government's actions against its opposition.
The senators said they were concerned about the re-arrest of opposition leader Birtukan Midekssa and the passage of a law restricting civil society groups.
Bereket Simon, advisor to the Ethiopian prime minister told VOA the U.S. senators' criticism and accusations are unwarranted.
"If anyone is breaking the law, it's their problem and not our problem. Ethiopian government believes government has a mandate and an obligation to ensure the rule of law in Ethiopia. So it's an unwarranted accusation and criticism," he said.
The senators said in their letter that they were concerned about the re-arrest of opposition leader Birtukan Midekssa. Simon said the opposition leader broke the rules of her conditional pardon.
"First these opposition leaders had been tried and sentenced, and they asked for conditional pardon. Government granted them a conditional pardon which literally means if this person once again transgresses the law of the land, it would be a breach of the pardon, and that's what she did. We don't accept double standard here. We believe citizens who don't have the backing of (U.S.) senators are equal to those who don't have the backing of senators wherever. She has made mistakes and she has to account for it. Why should we be criticized by the senators?" Simon said.
The letter, dated January 16th, was signed by Senator Russell Feingold, chair of the Senate's subcommittee on African Affairs. Other signatories are Senator Patrick Leahy, Richard Durbin, and Johnny Isakson.
The senators criticized Ethiopia's recent law restricting civil society groups. Simon said foreigners do not have the same political rights as Ethiopian citizens to participate in Ethiopian affairs.
"The law differentiates between citizens and foreign-based NGO. Citizens have every right to participate in Ethiopian politics. In fact it is mandated by Ethiopian Constitution. So government cannot put a limit. On the other hand, those foreign-based NGOs who are here because of the privilege that is given to them by the government do not have the political rights to participate in Ethiopian affairs," Simon said.
He said Ethiopia is not worried about the U.S. Senators' criticism of the Meles Zenawi government, especially at a time when a new U.S. administration led by Barack Obama is about to take over the leadership of the U.S. government.
"No matter what the times might be, these Congressmen are telling us not to enact laws that are useful to Ethiopia. They are going to put pressure on us because we enacted our own laws. This Ethiopia; it's a sovereign state. I don't think any Congressman can tell us what to do," Simon said.

Darfur Joint Peacekeeping Mission to be reinforced

ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia (AP) — A joint peacekeeping mission for the Darfur region of Sudan will expand to its full strength of 26,000 soldiers and police by June, a top African Union official said Monday.The increase will nearly double its present strength, said Ramtane Lamamra, the AU's peace and security council commissioner. A report by a U.N. panel last year said the peacekeepers were unable to monitor an arms embargo, defend themselves or protect civilians. A shortage of manpower and equipment was partly to blame.Lamamra's announcement was the first to set a month for the force's expansion to full strength.However, U.N. officials said that having adequate troop numbers would only be the first step. Peacekeepers desperately need logistical help, like helicopters and improvements in roads and airports. Even more critical was getting a peace deal in place, said U.N. spokesman Noureddine al-Mezni."Of course we can have 26,000 troops on the ground, but we need peace and it needs to come from a political peace process," he said. "There is no peace for us to keep."Rebels took up arms in Sudan's impoverished Darfur region in early 2003, accusing the central government of neglecting the arid western region. Attempts to broker a lasting cease-fire has failed, and so far up to 300,000 people have died and 2.7 million have fled their homes.A joint force from the United Nations and African Union took over peacekeeping a year ago from an AU force hampered by a lack of logistics. But the new force has faced many of the same problems as the last one.African Union officials are meeting with U.N. and Sudanese officials at the AU's headquarters in Ethiopia's capital, Addis Ababa, to see what financial, logistical and other support nations might be able to offer to the force.Monday's meeting was overshadowed by a pending International Criminal Court arrest warrant for Sudanese president Omar Hassan al-Bashir on charges of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. Sudan has frequently clamped down on peacekeeping operations and the activities of humanitarian organizations when the government has felt threatened by the court.Earlier this month, the government warned that foreigners in Sudan could face attacks by unnamed 'outlaws' if the warrant was issued.The AU has protested the proposed indictment, and Lamamra delicately reiterated the organization's concerns Monday."We are convinced," Lamamra said, "that the tandem political process and the military operations may function inharmoniously."

Binyam Mohamed could soon be released

According to the daily UK The Independent Binyam Mohamed the Ethiopian-born Guantanamo Bay detainee who was accused of plotting a radioactive bomb attack on the United States could be released soon. Read the full story here.