Addis Ababa, Ethiopia - Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi said on Friday he was in consultations with his ruling party about the possibility of quitting as Prime Minister and retaining his role as the party leader after next year's elections.
The Ethiopian Premier, who has been at the helm of the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) for the last 18 years, said on Friday that he has had enough and wanted to do something different after the next elections.
Ethiopia is about 15 months away from the next elections, due in 2010.
The Prime Minister says he is considering quitting the post and remaining as party leader if his party members agree to the position, but said he would make a final decision on this later. Click on 'Read More' for the rest.
"I do not think there is a conflict of policy here. My desire is that I have had enough here and I have to move on. I want to leave this position (Prime Minister) without leaving the party as leader but I have to respect the decisions of the party," Meles told journalists.
The Ethiopian leader was asked about two conflicting signals he had given about his intentions not to seek a new mandate during the next elections in 2010. He said his personal decisions not to seek the post of Prime Minister must be balanced by the party position.
The EPRDF says it has yet to decide on who would be the next leader but the party has begun the search for a new leader of the party. The party sources say they are looking for the "new face of Ethiopia" if the current premier insists on not running for the post.
"I cannot be a member of the party and not respect its decisions. My open decision is that there will be no conflict between my position and that of the party. If there is a conflict, I will have the freedom to chose but I will try to resolv e the differences,' the PM said.
The Ethiopian PM, who has been gaining momentum as one of Africa's foremost leaders and respected spokesman on continental affairs, said he would not take personal credit for the party's achievements during his tenure at the helm.
He said among his major achievements were leading the Ethiopian transition process from military rule to a democratic system that employs a parliamentary system of leadership.
The PM said he was glad Ethiopia's transition from military rule to democracy did not suffer from setbacks such as those witnessed in Eastern Europe.
He said Ethiopia had transformed its political system to a full democracy, despite certain limitations the three arms of government still suffered.
He also said Ethiopia's move from economic stagnation to rapid growth was equally an achievement during his tenure as Prime Minister.
"We took Ethiopia into one of the seven few elite states with a higher economic growth rate in the world, that is an achievement," the Premier, who holds a record as one of the few African leaders to conduct regular press interviews, told a t hree-hour long briefing.
He said under his rule, steps to fight corruption had also been initiated but expressed disappointment at some very lenient sentences that some people charged with corruption were getting away with.
Saturday, February 14, 2009
Ethiopia welcomes Gaddafi intervention on Eritrea
ADDIS ABABA, Feb 14 (Reuters) - Ethiopia supports new African Union (AU) chairman Muammar Gaddafi's efforts to mediate between it and border rival Eritrea and is open to peace talks, Prime Minister Meles Zenawi said.Relations between the feuding Horn of Africa neighbours have been at an impasse since they fought a 1998-2000 border war in which at least 70,000 people were killed.A peace agreement signed in Algiers in 2000 said both sides would have to abide by an independent ruling over the 1,000-km (620-mile) frontier, but it has never been implemented since Ethiopia initially rejected it. Both nations keep troops near the border, and tensions are high."We very much welcome (Gaddafi's) offer to help us resolve our problem," Meles told reporters late on Friday. "The only way for us to do that is for us to get together and iron out our issues."Gaddafi, who was last week elected AU chairman in a closed-door decision diplomats say was opposed by some African leaders, made a three-day trip to Eritrea after the summit, hoping to help resolve the border crisis.But Meles doubted whether Gaddafi could succeed in unravelling the long-running issue, which is a source of tensions across the region."I am sure he will devote a lot of energy," he said, adding that he had voted for the Libyan leader to become AU chairman. "But I believe (Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki) is unlikely to change his colours."
Ethiopia PM defends arrest of opposition leader
ADDIS ABABA (AFP) — Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi has said the arrest of the country's opposition leader was not a political decision, arguing the authorities were left with no other choice.
Authorities arrested and sentenced Birtukan Midekssa to life in prison in January after she reportedly said she never expressed remorse to obtain a pardon in 2007. She was given three days to deny or confirm the reports.
"We were put in an almost impossible situation politically and legally. The law says if a pardon is given under false pretenses it has to be annulled," Meles told journalists late Friday.
The Ethiopian leader accused Birtukan of banking on support from "powerful friends in powerful positions" -- presumably Western nations -- when she made the comments during a recent trip to Sweden and Germany.
"Had we indulged on her assumptions the message that we would have conveyed would be 'nothing happens to you no matter what you do. If you have friends in all the right places, you can ride roughshod with everything'," Meles said.
"That message I think is a very dangerous political message to convey in an emerging democracy. The rule of law and equality involves everyone."
Birtukan, the head of the Unity for Democracy Justice party, had been detained with dozens of opposition figures and supporters following disputed 2005 elections.
The United States, a staunch Ethiopian ally and the country's top aid contributor, has expressed concern over the arrest and called for more political freedom in the Horn of Africa nation.
Birtukan's party made its most spectacular electoral gains ever in the 2005 polls and cried foul over reported fraud, claiming it was robbed of victory by Zenawi's ruling party.
The ensuing unrest left close to 200 people dead and drew international condemnation.
Ethiopia's next general elections are expected to be held in 2010.
Authorities arrested and sentenced Birtukan Midekssa to life in prison in January after she reportedly said she never expressed remorse to obtain a pardon in 2007. She was given three days to deny or confirm the reports.
"We were put in an almost impossible situation politically and legally. The law says if a pardon is given under false pretenses it has to be annulled," Meles told journalists late Friday.
The Ethiopian leader accused Birtukan of banking on support from "powerful friends in powerful positions" -- presumably Western nations -- when she made the comments during a recent trip to Sweden and Germany.
"Had we indulged on her assumptions the message that we would have conveyed would be 'nothing happens to you no matter what you do. If you have friends in all the right places, you can ride roughshod with everything'," Meles said.
"That message I think is a very dangerous political message to convey in an emerging democracy. The rule of law and equality involves everyone."
Birtukan, the head of the Unity for Democracy Justice party, had been detained with dozens of opposition figures and supporters following disputed 2005 elections.
The United States, a staunch Ethiopian ally and the country's top aid contributor, has expressed concern over the arrest and called for more political freedom in the Horn of Africa nation.
Birtukan's party made its most spectacular electoral gains ever in the 2005 polls and cried foul over reported fraud, claiming it was robbed of victory by Zenawi's ruling party.
The ensuing unrest left close to 200 people dead and drew international condemnation.
Ethiopia's next general elections are expected to be held in 2010.
Friday, February 13, 2009
Editor jailed without charges
(Addis Journal) Editor-in-chief of the weekly Amharic paper, Goggle, Wubeshet Taye was arrested on Wednesday without court orders and charges.
Wubeshet was summoned over the phone for “questioning” on Wednesday morning in relation with a recent story published in the paper which says the current president of the Ethiopian Evangelical Church Mekane Yesus’s Etefa Gobena was defrocked.
The editor who reported in person at the police station was told that he would be placed before “speedy trial” that afternoon, which according to the newspaper never happened. He wasn’t brought to trail on Thursday either.
“The information was provided by trustworthy sources and even published in other local papers. We couldn’t quite comprehend why the editor would be singled out and thrown into jail?” inquired the paper in today’s edition.
Though the editor appeared before the 14th Criminal Court yesterday afternoon, the judges dismissed the case saying that his file wasn’t presented to them. Answering to the captive’s plea on the condition of his arrest, the judge said they couldn’t decide on a case that wasn’t brought to them.
Wubeshet was summoned over the phone for “questioning” on Wednesday morning in relation with a recent story published in the paper which says the current president of the Ethiopian Evangelical Church Mekane Yesus’s Etefa Gobena was defrocked.
The editor who reported in person at the police station was told that he would be placed before “speedy trial” that afternoon, which according to the newspaper never happened. He wasn’t brought to trail on Thursday either.
“The information was provided by trustworthy sources and even published in other local papers. We couldn’t quite comprehend why the editor would be singled out and thrown into jail?” inquired the paper in today’s edition.
Though the editor appeared before the 14th Criminal Court yesterday afternoon, the judges dismissed the case saying that his file wasn’t presented to them. Answering to the captive’s plea on the condition of his arrest, the judge said they couldn’t decide on a case that wasn’t brought to them.
Thursday, February 12, 2009
Attacks on the Press in 2008: Ethiopia
(CPJ)- The small vanguard of independent media that emerged from a brutal 2005 crackdown struggled in the face of continuing government harassment. Although authorities issued licenses allowing a handful of independent political newspapers to operate, they continued to use imprisonment, threats, and legal and administrative restrictions to suppress coverage of sensitive issues.
In February, the government authorized the private, Amharic-language newsweeklies Awramba Times and Harambe, reversing an earlier decision to deny them licenses. The publishers, Dawit Kebede and Wosonseged Gebrekidan, were among a number of journalists pardoned in 2007 after spending 21 months in detention on trumped-up antistate charges. Authorities continued to deny licenses to three other former prisoners: award-winning publisher Serkalem Fasil; her husband, columnist Eskinder Nega; and publisher Sisay Agena. All three were acquitted of the same antistate charges in 2007. Click here for the rest of the report.
FIFA, CAF officials to visit Ethiopia to discuss suspension
APA-Addis Ababa (Ethiopia) -Officials of FIFA and the Confederation of African Football (CAF) are due to make a visit to Ethiopia next week despite Ethiopia’s current suspension from international football competitions since July 2008, APA learns here on Thursday.
Sources at the Ethiopian Ministry of Youth and Sports told APA that the delegation from FIFA and CAF will visit the country to discuss on a roadmap, which was tabled for discussions last week to solve Ethiopia’s football problems.
It is to be recalled that FIFA suspended Ethiopia after 56 years of membership in July 2008 following the dispute inside the Ethiopian Football Federation (EFF).
The disagreement between the EFF and FIFA started last year when EFF appointed Ahmed Yassin as new president after sacking the former president Dr Ashebir Woldegiorgis.
Since then FIFA has asked that the EFF reinstates the former president together with other committee members who were sacked with him.
However, EFF decided to continue with its appointment of a new president, which forced FIFA to take the decision to suspend Ethiopia from all international competitions.
“The FIFA and CAF officials are expected to hold talks with officials of the Ethiopian Ministry of Youth and Sports about FIFA’s roadmap, which is expected to solve the problems,” said the source.
However, the current management of the EFF does not seem to have an idead as to who is coming to Ethiopia and what and to whom they are going to discuss.
Ethiopia joined FIFA in 1952 and CAF in 1957, and this is the first time in the country’s 56 years membership that it has been suspended from international competition.
Sources at the Ethiopian Ministry of Youth and Sports told APA that the delegation from FIFA and CAF will visit the country to discuss on a roadmap, which was tabled for discussions last week to solve Ethiopia’s football problems.
It is to be recalled that FIFA suspended Ethiopia after 56 years of membership in July 2008 following the dispute inside the Ethiopian Football Federation (EFF).
The disagreement between the EFF and FIFA started last year when EFF appointed Ahmed Yassin as new president after sacking the former president Dr Ashebir Woldegiorgis.
Since then FIFA has asked that the EFF reinstates the former president together with other committee members who were sacked with him.
However, EFF decided to continue with its appointment of a new president, which forced FIFA to take the decision to suspend Ethiopia from all international competitions.
“The FIFA and CAF officials are expected to hold talks with officials of the Ethiopian Ministry of Youth and Sports about FIFA’s roadmap, which is expected to solve the problems,” said the source.
However, the current management of the EFF does not seem to have an idead as to who is coming to Ethiopia and what and to whom they are going to discuss.
Ethiopia joined FIFA in 1952 and CAF in 1957, and this is the first time in the country’s 56 years membership that it has been suspended from international competition.
Wednesday, February 11, 2009
He Made It At Last, Morgan Tsvangirai Sworn in as Zimbabwe PM
(New York Times)After months of violence, negotiation, pressure and reluctant compromise, opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai was sworn in on Wednesday as the prime minister of a Zimbabwean government in which his nemesis, President Robert G. Mugabe, still dominates the repressive state security forces.
The moment on the grounds of Zimbabwe’s state house in Harare, once the seat of colonial power in the formerly British-run territory, brought an inconclusive and ambiguous end to almost 11 months of confrontation and wrangling. Mr. Tsvangirai had claimed victory in elections last March, only to be declared the loser in a discredited run-off last June that he boycotted because of political violence. Mr. Mugabe was the only other candidate.
Shortly after the ceremony, Mr. Mugabe declared that “if yesterday we were adversaries, today we stand in unity,” Agence France-Presse reported. “We must build on this unity by turning our swords into plowshares,” Mr. Mugabe said.
But in a swipe at widespread human rights abuses in Zimbabwe under Mr. Mugabe’s regime, Mr. Tsvangirai told thousands of supporters at a rally that “political violence must end today.” Click on 'Read More.'
“We can no longer afford brother against brother because one happened to have a different political opinion,” he said, according to Agence France-Presse. “I can assure that the culture of impunity and violation of human rights must end, and it must end today.”
“It hurts that as we celebrate here today there are some who are in prison,” he said, referring to his own detained supporters. “I can assure you that they are not going to remain in those dungeons for any day or any week longer.”
In Wednesday’s ceremony, Mr. Tsvangirai and Mr. Mugabe stood opposite one another in the shade of a white tent bedecked with flowers. As head of state, Mr. Mugabe personally took the oath of office from Mr. Tsvangirai — an exchange that might once have seemed an improbable outcome to their acrimonious struggle.
Invited to take the oath, Mr. Tsvangirai raised his right hand and declared that he would ”well and truly serve Zimbabwe in the office of prime minister.” Around 300 invited dignitaries and diplomats looked on and applauded as the two men briefly clasped hands. Mr. Mugabe said: “Congratulations.” Mr. Tsvangirai offered Mr. Mugabe a fleeting smile.
Since the electoral crisis last year, Mr. Tsvangirai has been under pressure from neighboring countries led by South Africa, the regional power, to enter a government with Mr. Mugabe.
The rivals reached a formal compact to share power last September.
Despite that agreement, Mr. Mugabe and Mr. Tsvangirai fought a bitter political duel over control of key ministries, and the opposition leader failed to secure the influence he said he believed was his due.
Specifically, the two men clashed over control over Zimbabwe’s security forces. Finally, Mr. Tsvangirai dropped his demands for exclusive oversight of the police, agreeing to share control. Mr. Mugabe maintained his grip on other elements of the security forces, which provide crucial sinews of his power.
News reports said one of the guests at the ceremony on Wednesday was Thabo Mbeki, the former South African president, who mediated the September accord.
The presence of a Mugabe adversary in Zimbabwe’s government recalled the very first days of independence from white rule in 1980, when Joshua Nkomo, the leader of a rival nationalist movement during Zimbabwe’s struggle for independence, became the minister of home affairs.
But after a brutal crackdown on his followers in the western Matabeleland area, Mr. Nkomo’s influence was eroded when he was first demoted and then expelled from the government. Over several years, Mr. Nkomo’s party was fused into Mr. Mugabe’s ZANU-PF, leaving Mr. Mugabe to gather power exclusively unto himself. He became the country’s first executive president in 1988 with Mr. Nkomo acting as a largely ineffectual vice president until his death in 1999.
Mr. Tsvangirai finally agreed to join the new government late last month, bringing senior aides with him.
On Tuesday, Mr. Tsvangirai announced he would name Tendai Biti, his party’s secretary general, to serve as finance minister.
Mr. Biti, who has frequently denounced Mr. Mugabe as a dictator whose disastrous economic policies have impoverished the nation, fought against joining a government with Mr. Mugabe within the Movement for Democratic Change, the party Mr. Tsvangirai leads. Only last week, a judge withdrew the treason charges against Mr. Biti that had been derided by civic groups and independent analysts as trumped up.
In a sign of Zimbabwe’s unresolved political tensions — and of the authoritarian reflexes of Mr. Mugabe’s government — riot police Tuesday broke up a peaceful demonstration of some 600 members of Women of Zimbabwe Arise, assaulting some of them and arresting eight women and two lawyers. One elderly woman screamed as she was beaten and thrown into a moving truck. The demonstrators handed out roses and Valentine’s cards to onlookers.
The new government will usher in a different phase in the opposition’s decade-long struggle against Mr. Mugabe, 84.
Mr. Tsvangirai now faces the challenge of sharing control of the nation’s police, reviving Zimbabwe’s moribund economy and rescuing an increasingly famished, sick and impoverished population with a partner, Mr. Mugabe, whose security forces have viciously beaten Mr. Tsvangirai and thousands of his supporters over the past two years.
Even as the power-sharing talks were taking place, Mr. Mugabe’s government abducted dozens more opposition supporters, many of whom said they had been tortured.
Acknowledging the ambivalence of many of his supporters — and perhaps his own, as well — Mr. Tsvangirai said in a statement last month that the fight for democracy “is neither easy nor straightforward, and often we have had to change the fronts on which we wage the struggle.”
Birtukan denied access to lawyer
(Addis Journal)-Despite international protest and condemnation, the opposition leader, Birtukan Mideksa is still in prison and cut off from her lawyer.
Birtukan Mideksa’s lawyer, Tesfaye Derese who went to Kaliti yesterday morning to see her was told to go back. He wasn’t given any explanation.
The lawyer who was able to see Birtukan for the first time on January 31 told local papers that the first two days of her stay in jail, Birtukan was locked up in a small room of 1.50mx2m.But she was later moved to a wider and cleaner room.
But by denying access to her lawyer, the authorities are making it hard for the appeal process to continue.
So far, demands of Birtukan’s release and enable for her family and lawyer to visit her without hindrance fell on deaf ears.
Birtukan Mideksa’s lawyer, Tesfaye Derese who went to Kaliti yesterday morning to see her was told to go back. He wasn’t given any explanation.
The lawyer who was able to see Birtukan for the first time on January 31 told local papers that the first two days of her stay in jail, Birtukan was locked up in a small room of 1.50mx2m.But she was later moved to a wider and cleaner room.
But by denying access to her lawyer, the authorities are making it hard for the appeal process to continue.
So far, demands of Birtukan’s release and enable for her family and lawyer to visit her without hindrance fell on deaf ears.
Ethiopia arrests suspect in U.S. diplomat's death
ADDIS ABABA, Feb 11 (Reuters) - Ethiopian police have arrested a local man suspected of killing of a U.S. diplomat at his home in Addis Ababa, officials said on Wednesday.The unnamed suspect was being transferred to the capital after he was detained by officers at Were-Illu village in the remote north of the country on Tuesday.Local media reported that a laptop computer, mobile telephone, camera and several documents belonging to the U.S. diplomat had been found in his possession.Diplomatic sources said the 25-year-old victim worked in the U.S. embassy's consular section and had apparently been stabbed to death. His body was found at his home on Feb. 2.State Department officials in Washington named him as Brian Adkins and said Ethiopia was his first foreign assignment.
Tuesday, February 10, 2009
Ethiopian pullout sparks Somali refugee influx: UN
ADDIS ABABA (AFP) — Ethiopia's pull-out from Somalia has sparked an influx of refugees from its war-torn neighbour, with around 150 people crossing daily since January 25, the UN refugee agency said Tuesday.
Addis Ababa withdrew all its forces last month after an ill-fated two year occupation, triggering security fears.
The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees said more than 10,000 refugees had fled since the beginning of the year, with 150 a day crossing the border since the withdrawal of Ethiopian forces on January 25.
"The influx has increased after Ethiopian forces ended their two-year presence in Somalia last month," it said in a statement.
"Information gathered during informal discussions with many of them revealed they fled general insecurity and fear of mistreatment by Al Shabab," it added.
The Shebab is the militant wing of an Islamist movement ousted by the Ethiopian troops in early 2007 after they deployed to back an embattled Somali government.
They carried out deadly attacks against the Ethiopians after being toppled and continue to ambush government targets and African Union forces in the capital Mogadishu.
Addis Ababa withdrew all its forces last month after an ill-fated two year occupation, triggering security fears.
The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees said more than 10,000 refugees had fled since the beginning of the year, with 150 a day crossing the border since the withdrawal of Ethiopian forces on January 25.
"The influx has increased after Ethiopian forces ended their two-year presence in Somalia last month," it said in a statement.
"Information gathered during informal discussions with many of them revealed they fled general insecurity and fear of mistreatment by Al Shabab," it added.
The Shebab is the militant wing of an Islamist movement ousted by the Ethiopian troops in early 2007 after they deployed to back an embattled Somali government.
They carried out deadly attacks against the Ethiopians after being toppled and continue to ambush government targets and African Union forces in the capital Mogadishu.
Monday, February 9, 2009
Ethiopians United Can Never be Defeated!
By Alemayehu G. Mariam
What Is Ethiopian Unity?
There are some who are working double overtime to make sure Ethiopia is strewn across the African continent like shards of broken ethnic glass.
They have spent the last 18 years sleepless devising ways of defeating the people by separating them along ethnic, religious, cultural, regional and class lines. Now, we say emphatically: “Enough! Not This Time!” This is our time to come together and unite against a divisive, dastardly and devilish dictatorship. This is the time to stand up and declare: “Ethiopians united can never be defeated!”
But what exactly is the “unity” which makes Ethiopians invincible? In its purest form, Ethiopian unity is a “soul-force” or “truth force” that dwells within the heart and mind of each patriotic Ethiopian and impels him or her to take a personal and public stand for the indivisibility of the Ethiopian nation under God and the one-ness of the Ethiopian people. This “truth-force” has many manifestations. As a state of mind, it signifies the indisputable principle that every Ethiopian has the right to vote for the government of his/her choice and to live in a country where human rights are fully respected and the rule of law reigns supreme. As a form of political advocacy and action, Ethiopian unity means working together on a common set of goals while respecting our differences; uniting around a common vision, agenda and dream and making a personal commitment to work with others on the basis of trust, honor and love of country. Click on 'Read More.'
As a spiritual experience, Ethiopian unity is about praying together — regardless of our faith — for the end of tyranny and dictatorship, and the blossoming of true brotherhood and sisterhood in equality, liberty and the rule of law. Ethiopian unity is quintessentially about working together to build a future based on the firm belief that the next generation of Ethiopians will not be victimized by a succession of dictators who cling to power by means of arbitrary arrests and detentions, extrajudicial killings, political persecution and stolen elections. It is ultimately about living free in a land where justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream!
Unity Does Not Mean There Are No differences
Ethnic division is an ugly fact of Ethiopian history nurtured and refined to its highest political form by the current dictators. One can not run away from it. But Ethiopian unity does not mean the complete absence of differences. The United States of America is “united” not on the basis of uniformity of culture, religion, race, class or ethnicity. Rather, diversity is the glue that holds Americans together. Americans from all walks of life live harmoniously under the rule of law which guarantees their individual rights to personal autonomy, ethnic and cultural identity and independent political activity. It is in the American melting pot that Americans of all backgrounds join hands to “form a more perfect union.” A unity where there are no differences is unnatural and unhealthy. Differences are to unity what alloys are to steel. Likewise Ethiopian unity must be forged in the hearts and minds of free men and women of all ethnic, cultural, religious and socio-economic backgrounds.
The Power of ONE: Each One of Us is a Unifying Force
Gandhi taught, “You must be the change you want to see in the world.” If we want to see a more just and equitable society in Ethiopia, a country where the rule of law is supreme and where government fears its people, each one of us must act. Every Ethiopian is power for good or evil. We have to make the choice to be a force for good. By every thought we contemplate and act we perform, we can bring about greater unity and harmony among the people. This is a burden of responsibility we carry for ourselves now, and for the next generation. The power of one for good or evil can not be underestimated. We have seen for nearly two decades how one man with a small group of henchmen has been able to destroy an entire nation. What we must also see is that many individuals working together can heal the wounds inflicted upon our country and set it on course to its glorious destiny. Everything begins with the one: One step begins a thousand mile journey. One tree starts a forest. One bird heralds the arrival spring. One candle illuminates the enveloping darkness. One voice can speak for thousands. One hope, one dream can raise the spirit of millions. Each one of us has the Power of One. Let’s use it for the good of Ethiopia and the Ethiopian people.
Understanding the Adversary and Extending an Olive Branch
What have we learned from the last 18 years of dictatorial rule in Ethiopia? What can we learn from the 2005 elections? How can we build coalitions to help advance democracy, freedom and human rights in Ethiopia? The last 18 years have taught us many lessons. We know that the current dictators of Ethiopia are politically and morally bankrupt, and have no legitimacy in the eyes of the people. We know their raison d’etre (reason for existence) is to cling to power by any and all means necessary. They have proven that they will lie, cheat, rob, steal, kill and do whatever it takes to keep themselves in power. We also know they thrive in a culture of corruption. Politics to them is the business of corruption. The dictators also know basic truths about themselves: They are despised by the vast majority of the people. They know after 18 years of misrule, squandering the country’s scarce resources on wars, useless projects and mindless adventures and social experiments they have little to show for it. (Recently, the World Bank reported that Ethiopia has been lagging in its infrastructure development [that is facilities, services and installations needed for the functioning of a society], as compared to other African countries.) They know they have committed so many unspeakable crimes that they dread the advent of that inevitable day when they will be held to account. They know they will never be able to win in the field of free political competition. The international community knows who they are too: war criminals, human rights violators and international outlaws. The ultimate truth about our adversaries is that they will employ a scorched earth policy if they believe they are at risk of losing power. For them it will be the old après moi le deluge (after me, the flood; or the Amharic equivalent of the donkey’s byword that she does not care if tall grasses never grow after she is gone.) For nearly two decades, they have used ethnic division to consolidate their power, and they will not hesitate to use the same strategy to dismember Ethiopia on their way out.
But there is also another truth we must know: Not all of those on the side of our adversaries are truly our adversaries. Our adversaries are not necessarily a monolith, a single block of rock. It is true that the ruthless crooks at the top are carved out of the same granite of corruption, cruelty and criminality. But there are many who just live under the dark shadow of this rock out of simple survival. They pretend to support the dictators, but in reality, they are sick and tired of living under the long dark shadow of the hard rock of dictatorship. They do not want to be the object of irrational hate, contempt and ridicule by their countrymen and women. They too want to live in peace and harmony with their brothers and sisters. We need to extend olive branches to each one of them so that they do not feel trapped in circumstances over which they have little control, and make it possible to join the true cause of democracy, freedom and human rights. It is not necessary to scare or humiliate them and push them deeper into desperation where they see only one option: go down with the dictators. We need to reassure them always that we bear no malice towards them, but we condemn unreservedly any intentional illegal and immoral acts they may have perpetrated against their countrymen and women.
How Do We Practice Diaspora Unity?
Unity is a combination of dialogue and action. It is fundamentally an affirmation of our humanity before ethnicity, nationality, political party, Africanity or Ethiopianity. The strongest form of human unity is based on unity of thought around principles of truth and justice. We demonstrate unity in the actions we take in our personal lives and how we treat and relate to each other; that is, in our ability to build relationships based on authenticity (the degree to which one is true to one’s own personality, spirit, or character) and not ethnicity (looking at the world through tribal and cultural lenses). Practicing unity means focusing on issues and ideas and not personalities; not dwelling too much on the wrongs that have been done to us in the past but how we can heal each other in the future; adopting evidence-based thinking instead of reacting emotionally; thinking before acting and always maintaining a personal policy of openness, honesty, fairness and respect for each other. Practicing unity is also about not acting in certain ways: refraining from soiling the names and reputations of those who struggle with us in the cause but may not agree with us on everything; avoiding rumor-mongering; not insisting that we have a monopoly ownership of the whole truth; and refusing to walk a mile in the shoes of those with whom we disagree. None of us is naïve enough to believe that we can get beyond our differences, whatever they may be, in a single political event; nor do we believe that the removal of dictatorship will be a cure-all to all of our problems. But it is necessary now to begin working together for a better future without embracing the weighty burdens of our past, or becoming its helpless victims. That is why we must embrace the audacity of hope and act selflessly to help the Motherland.
The Power of Dialogue: Out of Many Voices, ONE
The national motto of the United States declares, “E pluribus Unum” (One Out of Many). Our motto for Ethiopian Diaspora dialogue ought to be, “Out of Many Voices, One.” Coming to one voice will not be easy because there are too many echoes reverberating across the canyons that divide Ethiopians and keep us needlessly apart. We must bridge through genuine dialogue the ethnic canyons, the generational canyons, the culture canyons, the gender canyons, the language canyons, the religious canyons, the class canyons and the urban-rural canyons. We need many bridge-builders to sign up and begin working on laying the foundation for a robust Ethiopian democracy based on truly free elections, respect for the rule of law and human rights, the establishment of an independent judiciary, the free functioning of an independent press and civic society institutions.
The power of Ethiopian Diaspora Dialogue should not be undervalued. Unity of thought in dialogue must precede unity of collective action; and the power of dialogue is the power of reason and the power of honest and authentic communication. The Ethiopian Diaspora Dialogue, we believe, has started everywhere. Many are in the beginning stages. We honor all who have taken the initiative to dialogue and encourage them to continue and intensify their efforts. We are humbly proud to be part of the emerging teams of dialogue facilitators in the Diaspora. We believe “truth-powder” is far superior to our adversaries’ gunpowder. Guns and tanks do not stand behind us. Strong beliefs and ideas about the power of a united Ethiopian people do. And there is no gun or tank that can defeat an idea whose time has come. And the time has come for all of us to work single-mindedly for the cause of freedom, democracy and human rights in Ethiopia. Ancient wisdom says, “If you want to go fast, go alone. If you want to go far, go with other.” We want to go far with our compatriots on the long journey to freedom from dictatorship. As we do so, we are inspired by Barack’s message to the American people: “For we have a choice in this country. We can accept a politics that breeds division, and conflict, and cynicism…. Or we can come together and say, “Not this time.” It is high time that all freedom-loving patriotic Ethiopians the world over make a choice, stand up and shout: “NOT THIS TIME!” Let’s come together and make 2009 the beginning of a New Era of Unity in the Ethiopian Diaspora. YASTESERYAL!
Ethiopians United Can Never Be Defeated!
What Is Ethiopian Unity?
There are some who are working double overtime to make sure Ethiopia is strewn across the African continent like shards of broken ethnic glass.
They have spent the last 18 years sleepless devising ways of defeating the people by separating them along ethnic, religious, cultural, regional and class lines. Now, we say emphatically: “Enough! Not This Time!” This is our time to come together and unite against a divisive, dastardly and devilish dictatorship. This is the time to stand up and declare: “Ethiopians united can never be defeated!”
But what exactly is the “unity” which makes Ethiopians invincible? In its purest form, Ethiopian unity is a “soul-force” or “truth force” that dwells within the heart and mind of each patriotic Ethiopian and impels him or her to take a personal and public stand for the indivisibility of the Ethiopian nation under God and the one-ness of the Ethiopian people. This “truth-force” has many manifestations. As a state of mind, it signifies the indisputable principle that every Ethiopian has the right to vote for the government of his/her choice and to live in a country where human rights are fully respected and the rule of law reigns supreme. As a form of political advocacy and action, Ethiopian unity means working together on a common set of goals while respecting our differences; uniting around a common vision, agenda and dream and making a personal commitment to work with others on the basis of trust, honor and love of country. Click on 'Read More.'
As a spiritual experience, Ethiopian unity is about praying together — regardless of our faith — for the end of tyranny and dictatorship, and the blossoming of true brotherhood and sisterhood in equality, liberty and the rule of law. Ethiopian unity is quintessentially about working together to build a future based on the firm belief that the next generation of Ethiopians will not be victimized by a succession of dictators who cling to power by means of arbitrary arrests and detentions, extrajudicial killings, political persecution and stolen elections. It is ultimately about living free in a land where justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream!
Unity Does Not Mean There Are No differences
Ethnic division is an ugly fact of Ethiopian history nurtured and refined to its highest political form by the current dictators. One can not run away from it. But Ethiopian unity does not mean the complete absence of differences. The United States of America is “united” not on the basis of uniformity of culture, religion, race, class or ethnicity. Rather, diversity is the glue that holds Americans together. Americans from all walks of life live harmoniously under the rule of law which guarantees their individual rights to personal autonomy, ethnic and cultural identity and independent political activity. It is in the American melting pot that Americans of all backgrounds join hands to “form a more perfect union.” A unity where there are no differences is unnatural and unhealthy. Differences are to unity what alloys are to steel. Likewise Ethiopian unity must be forged in the hearts and minds of free men and women of all ethnic, cultural, religious and socio-economic backgrounds.
The Power of ONE: Each One of Us is a Unifying Force
Gandhi taught, “You must be the change you want to see in the world.” If we want to see a more just and equitable society in Ethiopia, a country where the rule of law is supreme and where government fears its people, each one of us must act. Every Ethiopian is power for good or evil. We have to make the choice to be a force for good. By every thought we contemplate and act we perform, we can bring about greater unity and harmony among the people. This is a burden of responsibility we carry for ourselves now, and for the next generation. The power of one for good or evil can not be underestimated. We have seen for nearly two decades how one man with a small group of henchmen has been able to destroy an entire nation. What we must also see is that many individuals working together can heal the wounds inflicted upon our country and set it on course to its glorious destiny. Everything begins with the one: One step begins a thousand mile journey. One tree starts a forest. One bird heralds the arrival spring. One candle illuminates the enveloping darkness. One voice can speak for thousands. One hope, one dream can raise the spirit of millions. Each one of us has the Power of One. Let’s use it for the good of Ethiopia and the Ethiopian people.
Understanding the Adversary and Extending an Olive Branch
What have we learned from the last 18 years of dictatorial rule in Ethiopia? What can we learn from the 2005 elections? How can we build coalitions to help advance democracy, freedom and human rights in Ethiopia? The last 18 years have taught us many lessons. We know that the current dictators of Ethiopia are politically and morally bankrupt, and have no legitimacy in the eyes of the people. We know their raison d’etre (reason for existence) is to cling to power by any and all means necessary. They have proven that they will lie, cheat, rob, steal, kill and do whatever it takes to keep themselves in power. We also know they thrive in a culture of corruption. Politics to them is the business of corruption. The dictators also know basic truths about themselves: They are despised by the vast majority of the people. They know after 18 years of misrule, squandering the country’s scarce resources on wars, useless projects and mindless adventures and social experiments they have little to show for it. (Recently, the World Bank reported that Ethiopia has been lagging in its infrastructure development [that is facilities, services and installations needed for the functioning of a society], as compared to other African countries.) They know they have committed so many unspeakable crimes that they dread the advent of that inevitable day when they will be held to account. They know they will never be able to win in the field of free political competition. The international community knows who they are too: war criminals, human rights violators and international outlaws. The ultimate truth about our adversaries is that they will employ a scorched earth policy if they believe they are at risk of losing power. For them it will be the old après moi le deluge (after me, the flood; or the Amharic equivalent of the donkey’s byword that she does not care if tall grasses never grow after she is gone.) For nearly two decades, they have used ethnic division to consolidate their power, and they will not hesitate to use the same strategy to dismember Ethiopia on their way out.
But there is also another truth we must know: Not all of those on the side of our adversaries are truly our adversaries. Our adversaries are not necessarily a monolith, a single block of rock. It is true that the ruthless crooks at the top are carved out of the same granite of corruption, cruelty and criminality. But there are many who just live under the dark shadow of this rock out of simple survival. They pretend to support the dictators, but in reality, they are sick and tired of living under the long dark shadow of the hard rock of dictatorship. They do not want to be the object of irrational hate, contempt and ridicule by their countrymen and women. They too want to live in peace and harmony with their brothers and sisters. We need to extend olive branches to each one of them so that they do not feel trapped in circumstances over which they have little control, and make it possible to join the true cause of democracy, freedom and human rights. It is not necessary to scare or humiliate them and push them deeper into desperation where they see only one option: go down with the dictators. We need to reassure them always that we bear no malice towards them, but we condemn unreservedly any intentional illegal and immoral acts they may have perpetrated against their countrymen and women.
How Do We Practice Diaspora Unity?
Unity is a combination of dialogue and action. It is fundamentally an affirmation of our humanity before ethnicity, nationality, political party, Africanity or Ethiopianity. The strongest form of human unity is based on unity of thought around principles of truth and justice. We demonstrate unity in the actions we take in our personal lives and how we treat and relate to each other; that is, in our ability to build relationships based on authenticity (the degree to which one is true to one’s own personality, spirit, or character) and not ethnicity (looking at the world through tribal and cultural lenses). Practicing unity means focusing on issues and ideas and not personalities; not dwelling too much on the wrongs that have been done to us in the past but how we can heal each other in the future; adopting evidence-based thinking instead of reacting emotionally; thinking before acting and always maintaining a personal policy of openness, honesty, fairness and respect for each other. Practicing unity is also about not acting in certain ways: refraining from soiling the names and reputations of those who struggle with us in the cause but may not agree with us on everything; avoiding rumor-mongering; not insisting that we have a monopoly ownership of the whole truth; and refusing to walk a mile in the shoes of those with whom we disagree. None of us is naïve enough to believe that we can get beyond our differences, whatever they may be, in a single political event; nor do we believe that the removal of dictatorship will be a cure-all to all of our problems. But it is necessary now to begin working together for a better future without embracing the weighty burdens of our past, or becoming its helpless victims. That is why we must embrace the audacity of hope and act selflessly to help the Motherland.
The Power of Dialogue: Out of Many Voices, ONE
The national motto of the United States declares, “E pluribus Unum” (One Out of Many). Our motto for Ethiopian Diaspora dialogue ought to be, “Out of Many Voices, One.” Coming to one voice will not be easy because there are too many echoes reverberating across the canyons that divide Ethiopians and keep us needlessly apart. We must bridge through genuine dialogue the ethnic canyons, the generational canyons, the culture canyons, the gender canyons, the language canyons, the religious canyons, the class canyons and the urban-rural canyons. We need many bridge-builders to sign up and begin working on laying the foundation for a robust Ethiopian democracy based on truly free elections, respect for the rule of law and human rights, the establishment of an independent judiciary, the free functioning of an independent press and civic society institutions.
The power of Ethiopian Diaspora Dialogue should not be undervalued. Unity of thought in dialogue must precede unity of collective action; and the power of dialogue is the power of reason and the power of honest and authentic communication. The Ethiopian Diaspora Dialogue, we believe, has started everywhere. Many are in the beginning stages. We honor all who have taken the initiative to dialogue and encourage them to continue and intensify their efforts. We are humbly proud to be part of the emerging teams of dialogue facilitators in the Diaspora. We believe “truth-powder” is far superior to our adversaries’ gunpowder. Guns and tanks do not stand behind us. Strong beliefs and ideas about the power of a united Ethiopian people do. And there is no gun or tank that can defeat an idea whose time has come. And the time has come for all of us to work single-mindedly for the cause of freedom, democracy and human rights in Ethiopia. Ancient wisdom says, “If you want to go fast, go alone. If you want to go far, go with other.” We want to go far with our compatriots on the long journey to freedom from dictatorship. As we do so, we are inspired by Barack’s message to the American people: “For we have a choice in this country. We can accept a politics that breeds division, and conflict, and cynicism…. Or we can come together and say, “Not this time.” It is high time that all freedom-loving patriotic Ethiopians the world over make a choice, stand up and shout: “NOT THIS TIME!” Let’s come together and make 2009 the beginning of a New Era of Unity in the Ethiopian Diaspora. YASTESERYAL!
Ethiopians United Can Never Be Defeated!
Former prosecutor Shimelis Kemal appointed State Minister
(By Kirubel Tadesse- Capital)
Former prosecutor Shimelis Kemal has been appointed State Minister of the newly established Government Communications Office, Capital has learned.
Shimelis, 47, has served as deputy chief prosecutor at the Ministry of Justice (MoJ) from 2005-2007. He is well known as for prosecuting the former Coalition for Unity and Democracy Party (CUDP) leaders, and members alongside some civil society organization representatives and journalists. The court later found the defendants guilty and sentenced most of them to life. Government pardons had followed on the eve of Ethiopian millennium celebrations, almost 18 months ago, to free them.
Addis Ababa University law graduate Shimelis will now work under Bereket Simon, who was recently sworn in as minister for the Government Communication Office. It was the Council of Ministers on December 19 last year that had issued a regulation establishing the office.
This Regulation 158/2008 also transferred the dissolved Ministry of Information’s rights and obligations to the new office, empowered to provide leadership in government communications. The office will also act as government spokesperson and is responsible for issuing permits to foreign correspondents stationed here in Ethiopia.
Also transferring some other responsibilities to Minister Bereket and State Minister Shimelis, Parliament early last week has approved key positions.
Bereket is appointed as Chairman of the Board of the Ethiopian Radio and Television Agency. State Minister Shimelis who has worked as an editor in local private press now chairs the Board of the Ethiopian Press Agency.
Shimelis had worked as an editor in two Amharic newspapers, Reporter and Nishan, for three years.
Netsanet Asfaw retains the chairmanship of the board of Ethiopian News Agency.
The parliament approved the appointments of the chairpersons of the two agencies with 277 votes for, 28 votes against, and with 32 abstentions. Before taking a month long recess beginning today, the house also approved two committees responsible to nominate commissioners of the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission and the Ombudsman. The current commissioners’ terms will expire after five months.
Last Thursday in its 25th regular meeting, parliament endorsed the members of the two committees, both chaired by Speaker of the House, Ambassador Teshome Toga.
And here is the rest of it.
Former prosecutor Shimelis Kemal has been appointed State Minister of the newly established Government Communications Office, Capital has learned.
Shimelis, 47, has served as deputy chief prosecutor at the Ministry of Justice (MoJ) from 2005-2007. He is well known as for prosecuting the former Coalition for Unity and Democracy Party (CUDP) leaders, and members alongside some civil society organization representatives and journalists. The court later found the defendants guilty and sentenced most of them to life. Government pardons had followed on the eve of Ethiopian millennium celebrations, almost 18 months ago, to free them.
Addis Ababa University law graduate Shimelis will now work under Bereket Simon, who was recently sworn in as minister for the Government Communication Office. It was the Council of Ministers on December 19 last year that had issued a regulation establishing the office.
This Regulation 158/2008 also transferred the dissolved Ministry of Information’s rights and obligations to the new office, empowered to provide leadership in government communications. The office will also act as government spokesperson and is responsible for issuing permits to foreign correspondents stationed here in Ethiopia.
Also transferring some other responsibilities to Minister Bereket and State Minister Shimelis, Parliament early last week has approved key positions.
Bereket is appointed as Chairman of the Board of the Ethiopian Radio and Television Agency. State Minister Shimelis who has worked as an editor in local private press now chairs the Board of the Ethiopian Press Agency.
Shimelis had worked as an editor in two Amharic newspapers, Reporter and Nishan, for three years.
Netsanet Asfaw retains the chairmanship of the board of Ethiopian News Agency.
The parliament approved the appointments of the chairpersons of the two agencies with 277 votes for, 28 votes against, and with 32 abstentions. Before taking a month long recess beginning today, the house also approved two committees responsible to nominate commissioners of the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission and the Ombudsman. The current commissioners’ terms will expire after five months.
Last Thursday in its 25th regular meeting, parliament endorsed the members of the two committees, both chaired by Speaker of the House, Ambassador Teshome Toga.
And here is the rest of it.
Parliament suspends MP
Mesfin Nemera, Oppostion MP(By Bruck Shewareged- The Reporter)
The disciplinary committee of the House of Peoples' Representatives on Thursday suspended Mesfin Nemera from participating in the next 16 ordinary sessions of parliament.
After concluding a debate on other issues, Houses Speaker Teshome Toga announced to members on Thursday that following a display of in-disciplinary conduct during the 19th ordinary session of the House, the disciplinary committee was considering what kind of measures were to be taken against Mesfin Nemera.
During the 19th ordinary session, Mesfin was asking to be given a chance to speak, which the Speaker denied, leading to an outburst by Mesfin.
He was speaking very loudly that day despite repeated warnings from the Speaker to keep quiet.
House Speaker Teshome told MPs that Mesfin's conduct was in gross violation of the code of conduct for parliamentarians and must not be ignored.
He pointed out that every violator of the code of conduct must be held accountable, and the disciplinary committee, which was weighing its options, has finally decided to bar Mesfin from attending 16 ordinary sessions.
Mesfin will not most likely attend a single session for the rest of the year. Parliament will be closed from the and of June to the beginning of November.
Starting on Monday, parliament will be in recess for a month, and will reconvene around March 10 next month.
Mesfin is known for becoming temperamental during formal events to the discomfiture of his colleagues in his former party.
Last year, when leaders of the Oromo Federalist Democratic Movement (OFDM) were giving a press conference announcing the party's withdrawal from the by elections which were held in April 2008, Mesfain exploded and told journalist of his disapproval of the party's decision even though he was not assigned to make press statements on that day.
Later, disagreements rose and he announced that he resigned from the party although he was allegedly sacked.
Asked to comment on Mesfin's suspension from parliament, OFDM chairman Bulcha Demeksa said that his has no comment.
According to the House Speaker, Mesfin admitted what he has done, but that he felt no remorse for his actions.
It is unlikely that the House disciplinary committee will lift the ban on Mesfin because he didn't solicit clemency.
Ethiopian woman confronts "Red Terror" ghosts
By Barry Malone
ADDIS ABABA (Reuters) - Although 13 years had passed, Hirut Abebe-Jiri instantly recognized the man who tortured her during Ethiopia's brutal "Red Terror" purges.
It was a dark era little known to the outside world, but that glimpse of Kelbessa Negewo across an Atlanta hotel lobby in 1990 set in motion a chain of events that ended last month when he lost his appeal against a life sentence for genocide.
The former local government official who once sowed such fear in her neighborhood of the Ethiopian capital had been carting around luggage and opening doors.
"I was amazed," Hirut told Reuters on Sunday. "It was him. This powerful man was carrying people's bags."
Her story goes to the heart of one of Africa's darkest chapters, now thrust into the spotlight by a political breakthrough nearly 2,000 miles away in troubled Zimbabwe.
Former Marxist ruler Mengistu Haile Mariam, dubbed the "Butcher of Addis Ababa" by many Ethiopians, has enjoyed comfortable exile in Harare since he was driven from power in 1991 -- protected by President Robert Mugabe.
Zimbabwe's opposition is joining a unity government with Mugabe. It said on Friday it would like in principle to extradite Mengistu, who was sentenced to death in absentia last year. But the Movement for Democratic Change conceded it was unlikely to win agreement to hand him over. Click on 'Read More.'
TORTURE
The start of Hirut's story was typical of many in Addis Ababa under Mengistu's 17-year rule. She was a teenager in 1977 when he announced the purge of his opponents by smashing a vial apparently filled with blood in the capital's main square.
Soon afterwards, armed police snatched Hirut and her younger sister from their home after dark, and dragged them away in their pajamas. She was stripped, hung upside-down, gagged with a vomit-soaked sock and tortured for the rest of the night.
"An 11-year-old boy from my street was hanging by his feet and bleeding heavily when they brought me in," she said. "The police heard he had a gun and he told them he had given it to me. To this day, I know nothing about this gun."
Hirut was freed after two months when another official decided she could take no more torture. She walked to neighboring Eritrea and was eventually granted a Canadian visa.
Hirut was alerted to Kelbessa's presence in the United States by a friend who was a waitress at the hotel. Her friend had been tortured by the local government official too. The women were joined by a third former victim, and that was when they launched their fight to have him extradited to Ethiopia.
Kelbessa was deported by the United States in 2006 and was sentenced to life in prison by an Ethiopian court. Many like Hirut, now 46, hope Mengistu will one day face the same fate.
MUGABE IN CONTROL
Last year, she faced her torturer, Kelbessa, for the first time in court. She testified against him and he lost his appeal.
"Healing is impossible, but I will no longer have to think about him every day," she said, her eyes filling with tears.
Hirut, who is now an engineer, has set up the Ethiopian Red Terror Documentation and Research Center to record the deluge of testimonies and records collected by Derg regime officials.
The trial that convicted Mengistu in his absence cited some 300,000 items. They included signed execution orders, witness accounts, and videos of torture sessions and bombing raids by fighter jets on villages held by the opposition.
Bodies were left in the streets as warnings, and some relatives who went to the authorities to collect bodies of loved ones were charged for the bullets used to kill them.
On a recent visit to Addis Ababa, Hirut visited the dilapidated concrete bungalow where she was tortured. It is still a local government office, and she chatted with the officials who now run it as children played football outside.
She believes Mengistu is a major fugitive from justice and that he should be sent home. But she said she didn't see Zimbabwe's fragile coalition government risking a crisis over the issue.
"As long as Mugabe manages to maintain control of the security forces, I don't think Mengistu will have anything to worry about," she said. "Mugabe has been pretty ruthless."
INTERVIEW-AU calls for quick reinforcement of Somalia force
By Frank Nyakairu
NAIROBI, Feb 9 (Reuters) - A small African Union peacekeeping mission in Mogadishu must be reinforced fast to capitalise on the arrival of a new Somali president, the AU said on Monday.
Nicolas Bwakira, the AU's special representative for the Horn of Africa nation, said Sheikh Sharif Ahmed's election at United Nations-led talks in Djibouti provided a rare opportunity for peace in the country, which has been at war for 18 years.
"Now that there is an expanded parliament and a new president, we feel we have to accelerate the implementation of AMISOM activities," Bwakira told Reuters in an interview.
The AU force in Mogadishu, AMISOM, currently has about 3,200 soldiers from Uganda and Burundi.
Bwakira said the AU would help Ahmed reach out to the warring parties, and would also provide funding to pay the salaries of 2,700 paramilitaries to boost security in the bomb-wrecked city.
At a news conference at police headquarters in Mogadishu on Monday, Ahmed called for international aid and urged civilians uprooted by two years of fighting to return home.
Insurgents fired mortar bombs at the presidential palace on Saturday, hours after Ahmed returned to the city after being feted at an AU summit in Ethiopia.
Bwakira said Uganda and Burundi would deploy two more battalions of 850 men before the end the of month, bringing AMISOM's strength to 5,100 -- although still short of the planned 8,000.
Nigeria still said it was sending a long-delayed battalion too, but needed logistical support, he said.
Many countries have been loath to send troops to a nation where two years of fighting has killed more than 16,000 civilians and driven another 1 million from their homes.
Ahmed was the more moderate of two leaders of a sharia courts group that brought some stability to Mogadishu and most of southern Somalia in 2006, before Washington's main regional ally, Ethiopia, invaded to oust them.
Ethiopia's military withdrew last month, clearing the way for Ahmed's election in Djibouti a week ago.
He is opposed by hardline Islamist rebels including the al Shabaab group, which Washington accuses of links to al Qaeda.
Somalia: Daunting Challenges
The Monthly Review
The parliament broadened by the Djibouti peace process elected Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, chairman of the executive council of the Islamic Courts Union, as President of Somalia. The Ethiopian occupation alone had failed to shore up the Transitional Federal Government, so Washington had to try a new tack. Al Jazeera's report, however, indicates trouble ahead for Somalia's new president: "hard-line" Islamist fighters, including Al Shabab, control "much of the south of the country," and they refuse to recognize the election. Zakaria Haj Mahmoud Abdi of the Alliance for Re-liberation of Somalia was quoted by Al Jazeera as saying: "There are serious deficiencies in the latest Djibouti-elected regime, namely, the denial of the resistance victory ending the Ethiopian occupation, and depriving the Somali people of the fruits of the victory." One of Ahmed's first acts as president, moreover, was to attend the African Union summit in Ethiopia and to request more AU peacekeepers to be deployed in Somalia -- the move likely to harden the opposition of the Islamist fighters, who reject the presence of foreign troops on Somali soil. Click here for the video of the interview of Nick Clark of Al Jazeera. He interviewed three experts on the prospects for peace and reconciliation in Somalia: Abdi Kusow, Associate Professor of Sociology, Oakland University; Abukar Arman, a writer and activist on Somali affairs; and Stig Hansen, Author, The Borders of Islam.
The parliament broadened by the Djibouti peace process elected Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, chairman of the executive council of the Islamic Courts Union, as President of Somalia. The Ethiopian occupation alone had failed to shore up the Transitional Federal Government, so Washington had to try a new tack. Al Jazeera's report, however, indicates trouble ahead for Somalia's new president: "hard-line" Islamist fighters, including Al Shabab, control "much of the south of the country," and they refuse to recognize the election. Zakaria Haj Mahmoud Abdi of the Alliance for Re-liberation of Somalia was quoted by Al Jazeera as saying: "There are serious deficiencies in the latest Djibouti-elected regime, namely, the denial of the resistance victory ending the Ethiopian occupation, and depriving the Somali people of the fruits of the victory." One of Ahmed's first acts as president, moreover, was to attend the African Union summit in Ethiopia and to request more AU peacekeepers to be deployed in Somalia -- the move likely to harden the opposition of the Islamist fighters, who reject the presence of foreign troops on Somali soil. Click here for the video of the interview of Nick Clark of Al Jazeera. He interviewed three experts on the prospects for peace and reconciliation in Somalia: Abdi Kusow, Associate Professor of Sociology, Oakland University; Abukar Arman, a writer and activist on Somali affairs; and Stig Hansen, Author, The Borders of Islam.
Will Sharif succeed where Yusuf failed?
By PAUL GOLDSMITH - The East African
It is Sheikh Sharif’s moderate credentials that have seen him succeed the dysfunctional Abdullahi Yusuf as the ninth President of Somalia.
Elected by a parliament expanded to be more representative of the nation’s ethnic composition, he won 293 votes after the withdrawal of several candidates, and took the oath of office in Djibouti on January 31.
But the new president’s position is not substantially different from his predecessor’s, and Sharif inherits Somalia’s presidency at a time of severe challenges and deep political polarities.
If the country’s crises of hunger, poverty, dysfunctional politics and endemic violence also mirror opportunities, this is complicated by the complex array of forces, alliances, and clan factors arising since the collapse of the state in 1991.
While the rise of the Islamic Courts Union and Ethiopian intervention helped interrupt the vicious cycle of internal clan competition, the ideologically religious resistance to national reconciliation spearheaded by Al Shabaab, is in many ways even more destructive.
Still, there is perhaps a brief window of opportunity and new possibilities for the first time in a long time.
Sharif enjoys the support of his Abgal clan in northern Mogadishu and is likely to consolidate control of Mogadishu with the assistance of their fellow Hawiye Habr Gedir clan. This alone will elevate him above the two previous presidents. Click on 'Read More.'
Securing the capital is the best start he can hope for, ensuring the loyalty of the Transitional Federal Government’s 2,000 strong police force another plus.
The Unisom peacekeepers from Uganda and Burundi, in contrast, are a political liability — underscored by last week’s incident where they reacted to a roadside bomb by indiscriminately firing on civilians.
Following the election, Al Shabaab and 14 Wahhabi factions met in Kismayu to declare their opposition to the new leadership.
The Ethiopian occupation provided the insurgents with the cover of nationalist resistance.
While their withdrawal weakens their legitimacy to a significant degree, they are continuing to recruit and train new fighters in the southern areas under their control.
In the meantime, persecution of their ulama and desecration of saints’ graves catalysed the formation of the As Sunnah al Jamaha, a movement led by Somalia’s traditional Sufi religious establishment.
Although a Somali journalist I spoke to in Nairobi dismissed As Sunnah forces as “a collection of old men and young boys,” the leadership boasts a multi-clan military command and has engaged Al Shabaab in nine battles since last November.
In January, they defeated Al Shabaab during an extended clash in Dusamareb, and now claim to control Somalia’s central region.
The As Sunnah leadership, however, remain suspicious of the new president’s intentions, citing his strong association with Salafi radicals like Hassan Dahir Aweis in the recent past.
The strong economic influence of the Wahhabi-dominated private sector and their antipathy for clan warlords incorporated into the TFG provide another counterpoint.
President Sharif was educated in Sufi institutions, linked to Egypt’s Al Azhar University, and was a member of the Ahmediyya — Somalia’s most conservative and reform-oriented Sufi tariqa — prior to going abroad to study.
This background, his association with the moderate Wahhabi faction of the former ICU, and the categorical rejection of his leadership by Al Shabaab, appears to favour the emergence of a TFG-As Sunnah alliance, which would ostensibly increase his military clout and broaden his territorial support.
The As Sunnah leadership, however, remain suspicious of the new president’s intentions, citing his strong association with Salafi radicals like Hassan Dahir Aweis in the recent past.
The strong economic influence of the Wahhabi-dominated private sector and their antipathy for clan warlords incorporated into the TFG provide another counterpoint.
These factors and Uganda’s role in removing Abdullahi Yusuf portray the new presidency as a poisoned chalice and Ahmed Sheikh Sharif as another transitional political leader doomed to fail.
But one must be wary of appearances and logical assumptions in Somalia — and, in any event, cultivating pro-government alliances is only part of the larger picture.
There are other more positive indicators suggesting the “Man of the Year” — as Sharif was anointed by one influential Somali website in 2006 — can prevail.
Despite the reality of being an executive without a state, the new president has demonstrated nationalist credentials and enjoys a level of political legitimacy far higher than his predecessors.
Like the new occupant of the White House, his skills in community organisation, social advocacy, and commitment to justice vaulted him into the political domain.
Considering the near-universal consensus on the failure of force to solve the nation’s problems and Somali’s cultural propensity for oral discourse, his main weapon is promoting national dialogue and the power to persuade.
He is popular across the diaspora while Al Shabaab’s assassination of journalists means Somalia’s strong electronic media and citizens abroad are natural allies on this front.
In addition to empowering voice, reciprocal rejection of Al Shabaab’s methods and demands, making Mogadishu secure, and reaching out to the elders’ councils that are the de facto local administration in most areas will work to isolate his enemies.
This will in turn provide a platform enabling the president-elect to use his fluency in Arabic and English to reach out to regional powers in order to end the proxy war between Ethiopia and Eritrea on Somali soil.
Somalia was the first country in Africa to peacefully replace a government in power through the vote.
There are many reasons to argue Somalia’s crisis is beyond peaceful resolution, but if Ahmed Sheikh Sharif achieves the goal of holding real on-the-ground elections in two years, his tenure will be a success.
Charity is the latest victim in Ethiopia
By Alice Klein Telegraph.co.uk
Recent news that the Ethiopian government has cracked down on charities which receive funding from overseas should be a major cause for concern.
The Charities and Societies Act states that any organisation receiving more than 10% of its funding from abroad is a "foreign NGO" (non-governmental organisation).
In Ethiopia, a country where approximately a quarter of the population live on a dollar a day, charities inevitably struggle to raise funds domestically and subsequently look overseas.
According to the Guardian, organisations like the Ethiopian Human Rights Council and the Ethiopian Women Lawyers Association depend on foreign money by up to 90%.
But criminalizing charity work appears to be the latest in a string of efforts to crack down on any form of dissent in the East African country.
Censorship of media is already rife. Last summer saw the Mass Media and Freedom of Information Proclamation passed in the House of Peoples' Representatives, drafted without consultation from journalists or legal experts.
Some say the changes are in nervous preparation for next year's election but regardless of intention, it is drawing worrying parallels with heavily censored countries such as Zimbabwe where Zanu PF passed the Access to Information and Protect of Privacy Act in 2002.
The law saw foreign news organisations banned and many domestic publications shut down including The Zimbabwean, which is now edited by the charismatic Wilf Mbanga in England and printed in the UK and South Africa.
The few journalists that remain must be licensed, registered and pay a huge fee only to have every cough and spit heavily monitored.
If Ethiopia's conflict with Somalia continues, it is vital that independent media be able to report on it (unlike in Zimbabwe) and that humanitarian charities remain active… even if their funding comes from western donors.
Recent news that the Ethiopian government has cracked down on charities which receive funding from overseas should be a major cause for concern.
The Charities and Societies Act states that any organisation receiving more than 10% of its funding from abroad is a "foreign NGO" (non-governmental organisation).
In Ethiopia, a country where approximately a quarter of the population live on a dollar a day, charities inevitably struggle to raise funds domestically and subsequently look overseas.
According to the Guardian, organisations like the Ethiopian Human Rights Council and the Ethiopian Women Lawyers Association depend on foreign money by up to 90%.
But criminalizing charity work appears to be the latest in a string of efforts to crack down on any form of dissent in the East African country.
Censorship of media is already rife. Last summer saw the Mass Media and Freedom of Information Proclamation passed in the House of Peoples' Representatives, drafted without consultation from journalists or legal experts.
Some say the changes are in nervous preparation for next year's election but regardless of intention, it is drawing worrying parallels with heavily censored countries such as Zimbabwe where Zanu PF passed the Access to Information and Protect of Privacy Act in 2002.
The law saw foreign news organisations banned and many domestic publications shut down including The Zimbabwean, which is now edited by the charismatic Wilf Mbanga in England and printed in the UK and South Africa.
The few journalists that remain must be licensed, registered and pay a huge fee only to have every cough and spit heavily monitored.
If Ethiopia's conflict with Somalia continues, it is vital that independent media be able to report on it (unlike in Zimbabwe) and that humanitarian charities remain active… even if their funding comes from western donors.
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