By Jason McLure,Bloomberg- At least 45 people died in clashes between Ethiopia’s army and the separatist Ogaden National Liberation Front in the east of the country, government and rebel spokesmen said.
The ONLF said its ethnic Somali fighters killed 140 Ethiopian soldiers and allied militia members in battles over the past five days near the towns of Fik and Degehebur, according to an e-mailed statement from the group. In addition, 29 ONLF members died in the fighting, it said.
“The area around Degehebur is now completely in the hands of the ONLF, as is the area around the city of Fik,” it said.
Ethnic Somali rebels from the ONLF are seeking autonomy for Ethiopia’s Somali region, an arid tract of land twice the size of England, which is also known as the Ogaden. In June, New York-based Human Rights Watch accused the Ethiopian government of burning villages, executing civilians and raping women in an effort to quell the ONLF’s insurgency. Ethiopia denied the allegations.
Ethiopia’s government disputed the ONLF’s version of the latest fighting.
“This is completely wrong,” Ermias Legesse, Ethiopia’s state minister for communications, said in a phone interview today from Addis Ababa, the capital. “The regional peoples fought with the ONLF and they killed more than 45 ONLF soldiers.”
Legesse said three or four innocent people died in the fighting. He said he couldn’t respond to an ONLF claim that Ethiopian attack helicopters have been active in the region.
Opposition
Ethiopia claimed the Ogaden region in the late 19th century through a series of agreements with Italy and the U.K., which colonized much of modern-day Somalia. Ethnic Somalis from the Ogaden clan have opposed Ethiopian rule, and fighting in the region surged after the ONLF killed 73 Chinese and Ethiopian workers at an oil exploration site in the region in April 2007.
Ethiopia accuses neighboring Eritrea of backing the ONLF and has in turn backed Somali militias from rival clans to fight the rebel group.
Ethiopia has banned journalists from traveling independently in the region and rejected a United Nations call for an independent assessment of human rights atrocities.
Saturday, February 21, 2009
Friday, February 20, 2009
Ethiopia Won’t Free Telecoms, Banking for WTO, Minister Says
By Jason McLure, Bloomberg.com- Ethiopia will pursue membership of the World Trade Organization, though it has no plans to liberalize its telecommunications and financial-services industries to gain access, Trade Minister Girma Birru said.
Ethiopia is currently fielding questions about its trade policies from countries including the U.S. and Canada, as it attempts to negotiate entry into the global trade regime, Birru said in an interview on Feb. 17 in the capital, Addis Ababa.
The Horn of Africa nation, twice the size of Texas and with a population of 82.5 million, applied for membership of the Geneva-based trade arbiter in 2003. The country is counting on membership to open new markets to boost its $25.1 billion economy.
“Primarily we will join the WTO not to make others happy, but to make our economy work,” Birru said. “So to the extent it helps our economy we will liberalize things, but if it’s not going to assist our goals in trade and development we will not liberalize. Why do we have to?”
The country’s protected telecom and financial industries will be points of contention in the talks with WTO-member countries including the United States and United Kingdom, Tewodros Mekonnen, a researcher with the Ethiopian Economic Association, said in a phone interview on Feb. 19.
“I don’t see any plan” to break up or sell Ethiopian Telecommunications Corp. to private investors, Birru said. “If there are some problems it has nothing to do with ownership. It has only to do with management. Management and ownership don’t necessarily go together.”
Private Investors
Ethiopia has resisted pressure from the World Bank and trade partners like the U.S. to sell the telecommunications company to private investors.
Ethiopian Telecommunication’s monopoly enables it to charge $35 for a mobile-phone SIM card, which is required to obtain a mobile-phone number. In neighboring Somalia and Kenya, which have private mobile services, cards cost less than $5. Click on 'Read More.'
A 1-megabyte per second Internet connection costs more than $2,000 a month in Ethiopia. In South Africa, the continent’s biggest economy, a similar service costs between 600 rand ($59) and 760 rand, according to the http://www.mybroadband.co.za Web site.
“In Ethiopia, if there is any problem I don’t think it’s the price,” said Birru. “It’s the quality of the service. This has to be improved. And to improve this I don’t think it would be wise to privatize it.”
Ethiopia’s government is reluctant to sell the company because it is profitable and is expanding services to rural areas, Newai Gebre-Ab, Prime Minister Meles Zenawi’s top economic adviser, said yesterday in an interview.
Cash Generator
The company is “generating a lot of money and that money is being put to good use for development of infrastructure,” Gebre- Ab said.
Birru also said the Ethiopian central bank lacks the capacity to regulate large foreign financial institutions. The country is also unsure whether foreign banks would play a positive economic role in the country. As a result, the country is unlikely to liberalize the financial-services industry.
“At this stage, given the capacity that we have in terms of managing things and supervising them at the National Bank level, I don’t see why we’d allow that,” he said.
Ethiopia’s three state-run retail banks control about two- thirds of the capital in the country’s banking industry, according to the National Bank of Ethiopia. Until last year, no bank in Ethiopia could process MasterCard transactions. Banks in the country are also reluctant to lend to businesses that cannot provide real estate as collateral.
Ethiopia is currently fielding questions about its trade policies from countries including the U.S. and Canada, as it attempts to negotiate entry into the global trade regime, Birru said in an interview on Feb. 17 in the capital, Addis Ababa.
The Horn of Africa nation, twice the size of Texas and with a population of 82.5 million, applied for membership of the Geneva-based trade arbiter in 2003. The country is counting on membership to open new markets to boost its $25.1 billion economy.
“Primarily we will join the WTO not to make others happy, but to make our economy work,” Birru said. “So to the extent it helps our economy we will liberalize things, but if it’s not going to assist our goals in trade and development we will not liberalize. Why do we have to?”
The country’s protected telecom and financial industries will be points of contention in the talks with WTO-member countries including the United States and United Kingdom, Tewodros Mekonnen, a researcher with the Ethiopian Economic Association, said in a phone interview on Feb. 19.
“I don’t see any plan” to break up or sell Ethiopian Telecommunications Corp. to private investors, Birru said. “If there are some problems it has nothing to do with ownership. It has only to do with management. Management and ownership don’t necessarily go together.”
Private Investors
Ethiopia has resisted pressure from the World Bank and trade partners like the U.S. to sell the telecommunications company to private investors.
Ethiopian Telecommunication’s monopoly enables it to charge $35 for a mobile-phone SIM card, which is required to obtain a mobile-phone number. In neighboring Somalia and Kenya, which have private mobile services, cards cost less than $5. Click on 'Read More.'
A 1-megabyte per second Internet connection costs more than $2,000 a month in Ethiopia. In South Africa, the continent’s biggest economy, a similar service costs between 600 rand ($59) and 760 rand, according to the http://www.mybroadband.co.za Web site.
“In Ethiopia, if there is any problem I don’t think it’s the price,” said Birru. “It’s the quality of the service. This has to be improved. And to improve this I don’t think it would be wise to privatize it.”
Ethiopia’s government is reluctant to sell the company because it is profitable and is expanding services to rural areas, Newai Gebre-Ab, Prime Minister Meles Zenawi’s top economic adviser, said yesterday in an interview.
Cash Generator
The company is “generating a lot of money and that money is being put to good use for development of infrastructure,” Gebre- Ab said.
Birru also said the Ethiopian central bank lacks the capacity to regulate large foreign financial institutions. The country is also unsure whether foreign banks would play a positive economic role in the country. As a result, the country is unlikely to liberalize the financial-services industry.
“At this stage, given the capacity that we have in terms of managing things and supervising them at the National Bank level, I don’t see why we’d allow that,” he said.
Ethiopia’s three state-run retail banks control about two- thirds of the capital in the country’s banking industry, according to the National Bank of Ethiopia. Until last year, no bank in Ethiopia could process MasterCard transactions. Banks in the country are also reluctant to lend to businesses that cannot provide real estate as collateral.
Haile apologizes over Mengistu remark
Addis Journal- Haile Gebreselassie has said he is sorry for inadvertently hurting the feelings of the Red Terror victims.
His comments came after the Associations for Victims of the Red Terror issued statement accusing the athlete of making an insensitive remark that makes light of the atrocities committed by the Derg.
In a recent interview with Negadras, an Amharic weekly, Haile was quoted as saying, “It is said Mengistu has committed many atrocities”, a remark that drew the Association’s ire.
In an open letter to the government daily, Addis Zemen where the complaint appeared, Haile wrote he was misunderstood; he was in no way intending to gloss over the heinous acts of Mengistu’s regime.
He was responding to the reporter’s questions on the significance of Obama’s victory when he happened to talk about the culture of forgiveness which could even be extended to tyrants like Mengistu Haile Maryam.
“I myself have suffered under the Mengistu’s rule and I would never speak light the atrocities committed by the regime,” Haile noted down.
Haile expressed his appreciation for the Association and apologized for the offense his remarks caused.
Thursday, February 19, 2009
Tesfaye Gebreab on Ginbot 7 Radio
Tesfaye Gebreab author of 'Yegazetegnaw Mastawesha/The Journalist's Diary' appeared on Ginbot 7's February 19, 2008 radio program. Listen here.
Wednesday, February 18, 2009
Action Alert, For Immediate Distribution
ANDINET NORTH AMERICA ASSOCIATION OF SUPPORT ORGANIZATIONS (ANAASO)Email: info@andinetusa.org
The Inhuman ill-treatment of Ms Mideksa Persists in Ethiopian Prison
The Association of Andinet Support Organizations in North America has learnt disturbing developments in the prison conditions of Ms. Birtukan Mideksa, Chairwoman of UDJ. According to our sources, Ms. Mideksa still continues to be held in solitary confinement- nearly two months now. Her lawyer is once again prohibited from contacting her after he was allowed to meet with her only once following an international outcry. Ms. Mideksa’s niece, who was allowed to visit her in order to relieve her 72 year old frail mother from the burden of carrying food and other essentials on a long trip, is no more permitted to show up at the gates of the prison. As of today, it is only her elderly mother and her four year old daughter who have a weekly visitation rights.
Please read the rest and distribute. Click on 'Read More.'
And here is the rest of it.More disturbing and alarming is the information we are receiving from credible sources inside the prison about the government security operatives’ physical and psychological torture against Ms. Mideksa. Ms. Mideksa is held in a small unhygienic cell infested with bugs. She is not allowed to read books or listen to radio or watch television like the other prisoners. Prison sources have informed us that Ms. Mideksa is subjected to sleep deprivation for days at a time. It is apparent that the government security operatives are putting inhuman and illegal means to break her will. The physical and mental ill-treatment that Birtukan is subjected to is corroborated by her mother who told relatives and friends that she observed an unusual behavior from Ms. Mideksa emanating from distress. Ms. Mideksa’s mother said recently that her daughter has told her, “the ill-treatment is getting beyond she could bear as a human being”. The regime has blocked access to Ms. Mideksa and her condition in prison by all independent observers including human rights organizations.
We call upon all freedom loving governments to protest against this barbaric violation of the basic rights of Ms. Birtukan Mideksa. We particularly urge the donor community to release that their financial support to Meles without a strong demand for change in his regime’s behavior has been an enabler for repression against Birtukan and other political opponents. We want to also to remind these donors that Ethiopians are truly baffled by the contradictory stances of the donor countries’ laudable stand and action against Mugabe of Zimbabwe and the absence of any meaningful actions against the human rights abuses of Ethiopia’s Meles.
Finally, we call on the new US administration to use every influence to exert pressure on the Ethiopian dictators to unconditionally release Ms. Birtukan Mideksa who is in prison for the last two months in blatant violation of all laws of the country and international covenants to which Ethiopia is a signatory.
February 16, 2009
The Association of Andinet Support Organizations in North America has learnt disturbing developments in the prison conditions of Ms. Birtukan Mideksa, Chairwoman of UDJ. According to our sources, Ms. Mideksa still continues to be held in solitary confinement- nearly two months now. Her lawyer is once again prohibited from contacting her after he was allowed to meet with her only once following an international outcry. Ms. Mideksa’s niece, who was allowed to visit her in order to relieve her 72 year old frail mother from the burden of carrying food and other essentials on a long trip, is no more permitted to show up at the gates of the prison. As of today, it is only her elderly mother and her four year old daughter who have a weekly visitation rights.
Please read the rest and distribute. Click on 'Read More.'
And here is the rest of it.More disturbing and alarming is the information we are receiving from credible sources inside the prison about the government security operatives’ physical and psychological torture against Ms. Mideksa. Ms. Mideksa is held in a small unhygienic cell infested with bugs. She is not allowed to read books or listen to radio or watch television like the other prisoners. Prison sources have informed us that Ms. Mideksa is subjected to sleep deprivation for days at a time. It is apparent that the government security operatives are putting inhuman and illegal means to break her will. The physical and mental ill-treatment that Birtukan is subjected to is corroborated by her mother who told relatives and friends that she observed an unusual behavior from Ms. Mideksa emanating from distress. Ms. Mideksa’s mother said recently that her daughter has told her, “the ill-treatment is getting beyond she could bear as a human being”. The regime has blocked access to Ms. Mideksa and her condition in prison by all independent observers including human rights organizations.
We call upon all freedom loving governments to protest against this barbaric violation of the basic rights of Ms. Birtukan Mideksa. We particularly urge the donor community to release that their financial support to Meles without a strong demand for change in his regime’s behavior has been an enabler for repression against Birtukan and other political opponents. We want to also to remind these donors that Ethiopians are truly baffled by the contradictory stances of the donor countries’ laudable stand and action against Mugabe of Zimbabwe and the absence of any meaningful actions against the human rights abuses of Ethiopia’s Meles.
Finally, we call on the new US administration to use every influence to exert pressure on the Ethiopian dictators to unconditionally release Ms. Birtukan Mideksa who is in prison for the last two months in blatant violation of all laws of the country and international covenants to which Ethiopia is a signatory.
February 16, 2009
EU should not tolerate Ethiopia's repression
WANT TO HELP THEM? THINK TWICE Under Ethiopia's new law, local NGOs that receive significant funding from abroad are deemed to be “foreign” and have no right to scrutinise the government's record on children's rights. REUTERS
By Lotte Leicht-European Voice
The EU should have condemned one of world's worst laws on NGOs. Instead, it gave Ethiopia €250 million.
On 30 January, European Union policymakers sent a clear signal to Ethiopia: no matter how repressive the government becomes, vast sums of aid will continue to flow. This is emerging as a case study in bad donor policy.
In January Ethiopia's government passed a law that is an attempt to muzzle local activists and prevent them from scrutinising the government's human-rights record. Among other things, the new law labels local activists as “foreign” if they receive significant funding from abroad and makes it illegal for these “foreign” Ethiopians to scrutinise the government's record on human rights, policing, conflict resolution and a range of other issues – even gender equality, children's rights and the rights of handicapped Ethiopians. It also provides the government with bureaucratic tools to shut down groups the government dislikes.
This anti-NGO law is among the worst in the world, comparable to those in Russia and Zimbabwe. When Russia passed its own repressive NGO law the EU responded sharply that the law could “have a serious impact on the legitimate activity of civil-society organisations in Russia”. The EU responded to Zimbabwe's law with an even stronger warning that “if the bill is implemented immediately, the EU's ability to provide assistance to Zimbabwe will be significantly affected.”
Private disquiet, public quiet
But EU policymakers have shown considerably less backbone about Ethiopia. When the Ethiopian law was first circulated, the EU, the United States – in fact nearly all of Ethiopia's key donors – expressed great alarm privately. It stood to reason that Ethiopia's government would take their concerns seriously. After all, Ethiopia is one of the most aid-dependent countries in the world, receiving well over $2 billion in foreign assistance every year. But Ethiopia's leaders passed the law anyway, cynically assuming that donors would quietly accept it. And they were right. Click on 'Read More.'
The EU's only reaction was a bland declaration urging the government to implement the law “in an open-minded and constructive spirit.” It is impossible to imagine what this might mean, given that the law's dire intent and consequences are spelled out clearly on its face. The EU did not condemn the law, demand its repeal or even ask that its worst provisions be amended, and on the same day the European Commission announced plans to give Ethiopia €250 million in new assistance.
Public agreement, private complicity
Unfortunately this refusal to speak out against Ethiopia's abuses has become the norm for the EU and Ethiopia's other major donors, even though Ethiopia's human-rights record has steadily deteriorated. Ethiopia's leaders have done a remarkable job of convincing donors that they should be grateful for the opportunity to pour huge sums of assistance into the country. Privately many donor officials express fears that speaking out against government abuses could lead the government to discontinue their programs.
The result has been a dreary list of donor failures to speak out against repression and atrocities in Ethiopia. Ethiopia's military committed war crimes in neighbouring Somalia in 2007 and 2008, shelling whole districts of Mogadishu, and donors said nothing. When prominent opposition supporters and businesspeople were arrested last year on trumped-up charges of terrorism, donors said nothing— the victims still languish in prison without charge today. Even when Ethiopia's government used donor-funded food aid as a weapon of war to fight an insurgency in the country's arid Somali Region, donors said nothing. They failed even to press the government to allow independent inquiries into what was happening to the food.
Of course, donors cannot and should not dictate policy to Ethiopia's government and there is no question that Ethiopia, one of the world's poorest countries, needs support. But this does not mean that donors should ignore the reality that their important material support to that government carries with it a responsibility to insist on respect for Ethiopians' basic human rights. And the EU is legally obliged to do just this. The Cotonou Agreement, signed almost ten years ago, expressly requires the European Commission to condition its aid to Ethiopia and other countries on governmental respect for basic human rights. But the EU, like Ethiopia, is choosing to behave as though the Cotonou Agreement does not exist.
The EU has real leverage to push back against repression in Ethiopia, and it should do so instead of valuing chummy relations with Ethiopia's leaders above all else. Anything less makes donors like the EU member states and the European Commission complicit through their silence in these abuses.
Lotte Leicht is the EU director for Human Rights Watch.
Councilwoman works on African orphanage
East Valley Tribune- "One birr for bread. Mother dead, father dead," a sign held by a young boy begging for change on the streets of Ethiopia's capital city said.
Chandler City Councilwoman Trinity Donovan recalls the image from her recent trip to the country to help build an orphanage for children who have lost their families.
"It's hard to see," Donovan said.
Addis Ababa, the capital, sits in the heart of Ethiopia. It's a poor nation - slightly less than twice the size of Texas, situated in the Horn of Africa just west of Somalia - where the average life expectancy is 55 and women bear an average of more than six children apiece, according to the CIA World Factbook.
About 25,000 orphaned children in Addis Ababa have no homes, Donovan said.
"As kids lose their parents, many of them have to go to the streets because relatives are unable to take care of them," she said.
Click here for the rest.
Ethiopian pop star jail term cut
BBC News, Addis Ababa- Ethiopia's most famous pop singer, Teddy Afro, has had his sentence for manslaughter reduced on appeal.
He was jailed for causing the death of a young homeless man through dangerous driving and failing to stop at the scene of the accident.
The sentence was reduced from six years to two years, which means that - allowing for time already served - he could be free very shortly.
The singer has always denied committing the crime.
As news of the decision rippled out across Addis Ababa, groups of young people gathered in the streets, cheering and hugging each other at the news that their favourite singer would soon be free.
Victim 'was drunk'
Teddy Afro, charged under his real name of Tewodros Kassahun, had originally received a six-year jail sentence, after a car identified as belonging to him hit and killed a young homeless man in the centre of Addis Ababa and then failed to stop to offer assistance.
The performer has always said that he was not driving at the time.
The appeal judge, Mr Justice Dagne Melaku, in a careful and detailed decision, upheld the guilty verdict but reduced the sentence from six years to two - on the grounds that the victim had been seen lying drunk and unconscious in the road before the accident - and that the police had failed to move him to safety.
The singer has already spent nearly a year in jail and with an allowance for good behaviour he should now be free in less than a year.
His die-hard fans, however, still refuse to accept he could be guilty, continuing to maintain that he is the victim of a political vendetta because Teddy Afro's music was identified with the opposition cause at the time of the controversial 2005 elections.
Tuesday, February 17, 2009
Ethiopia: Bealu Girma Foundation Launched
(Addis Ababa- The Daily Monitor)— Baalu Girma Foundation has been founded by the daughter of the prominent author and journalist Baalu Girma twenty five years after he went missing during the Dergue Marxist regime.
According to Meskerem Bealu Girma, the Foundation will be based in Michigan in the US and would strive to empower creative writers and journalists underrepresented in East Africa.
She said the foundation-a non-profit organisation established to promote learning- intends to achieve its mission through long-term and short-term projects, workshops, and talent-based academic awards.
"It was 25 years ago today that the famous Ethiopian writer and journalist, Baalu Girma, was abducted by the military junta (Dergue) in Ethiopia. He hasn't been heard from since, but his legacy continues," Meskerem said in remarks about her slain father.
Bealu is widely known in Ethiopia for his brave and skillful criticism of prominent members of Ethiopia's former government in a famous book known as Oromai.
The book which was circulated underground after the socialist government put a ban on it, skillfully details the widespread corruption among top-government officials and Generals of the Army.
"Throughout his life, Baalu was a true pioneer in the field; he had a lifelong passion for journalism and writing. But, his fascinating personal life and his selfless contributions to Ethiopian journalism and literature deserve to be published on their own," the newly-formed foundation's official website-www.baalugirmafoundation.org.-wrote.
According to Meskerem Bealu Girma, the Foundation will be based in Michigan in the US and would strive to empower creative writers and journalists underrepresented in East Africa.
She said the foundation-a non-profit organisation established to promote learning- intends to achieve its mission through long-term and short-term projects, workshops, and talent-based academic awards.
"It was 25 years ago today that the famous Ethiopian writer and journalist, Baalu Girma, was abducted by the military junta (Dergue) in Ethiopia. He hasn't been heard from since, but his legacy continues," Meskerem said in remarks about her slain father.
Bealu is widely known in Ethiopia for his brave and skillful criticism of prominent members of Ethiopia's former government in a famous book known as Oromai.
The book which was circulated underground after the socialist government put a ban on it, skillfully details the widespread corruption among top-government officials and Generals of the Army.
"Throughout his life, Baalu was a true pioneer in the field; he had a lifelong passion for journalism and writing. But, his fascinating personal life and his selfless contributions to Ethiopian journalism and literature deserve to be published on their own," the newly-formed foundation's official website-www.baalugirmafoundation.org.-wrote.
5 mln more Ethiopians need emergency food: UN
GENEVA (AFP) — Some 4.9 million more Ethiopians are in urgent need of food aid, the UN said Tuesday, bringing the total number of people in Ethiopia who need relief aid to 12 million, or 15 percent of the population.
"In addition to the seven million that continue to be assisted, 4.9 million people need emergency food assistance," said Elizabeth Byrs, a spokeswoman for the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs.
The latest figure is based on an assessment conducted by UN agencies in November and December, which concluded that some 454.3 million dollars were needed to fund aid in Ethiopia during the first half of 2009.
Poor rainfall and harvests are hurting many in the east of the country, said Byrs.
"Concerns are high over continuing food insecurity in the coming months, in parts of the country," she added.
Ethiopia is Africa's second most populous country, with around 80 million inhabitants, and has been badly affected by droughts, civil conflict and rising food prices.
Despite the tough conditions, the country is hosting increasing numbers of asylum seekers crossing over from Somalia into eastern Ethiopia's Somali Region.
Byrs said that about 10,000 asylum seekers had arrived this year, and 150 more people were crossing the border daily.
"In Somali Region, malnutrition and food insecurity will likely exacerbate during the coming dry season from January to mid April," she said.
"In addition to the seven million that continue to be assisted, 4.9 million people need emergency food assistance," said Elizabeth Byrs, a spokeswoman for the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs.
The latest figure is based on an assessment conducted by UN agencies in November and December, which concluded that some 454.3 million dollars were needed to fund aid in Ethiopia during the first half of 2009.
Poor rainfall and harvests are hurting many in the east of the country, said Byrs.
"Concerns are high over continuing food insecurity in the coming months, in parts of the country," she added.
Ethiopia is Africa's second most populous country, with around 80 million inhabitants, and has been badly affected by droughts, civil conflict and rising food prices.
Despite the tough conditions, the country is hosting increasing numbers of asylum seekers crossing over from Somalia into eastern Ethiopia's Somali Region.
Byrs said that about 10,000 asylum seekers had arrived this year, and 150 more people were crossing the border daily.
"In Somali Region, malnutrition and food insecurity will likely exacerbate during the coming dry season from January to mid April," she said.
Unwitting Reality of Ethiopian Policy Outcomes: Perpetuating Poverty and Underdevelopment through Education
(Fortune)The process of policymaking in Ethiopia focuses more on the quantitative value than its qualitative advantage, says Tesfay Kidan (PhD), in his response to the editorial on quality of education run by this newspaper [Fortune] a few weeks ago. The challenges the education sector face in its bid to expand enrollments in higher learning institutions is one good illustration of the warped policy processes, he argues.
Click here.
Click here.
Mr. Meles is posturing
By Paulos Milkias (Ph.D.)
Meles Zenawi has announced his plans to quit his job as prime minister in 2010. Does it sound sincere? I do not believe he is going to quit. He is simply posturing. Here are reasons why?
An official who is determined to quit will not qualify it by another possibility. An excellent example to announce quitting: “I shall not seek, and I will not accept, the nomination of my party for another term as your president." This, as you know, was President Lyndon B. Johnson's announcement on March 31, 1968 after the setbacks of the Tet Offensive and the violent student demonstrations against the war in Vietnam made his life unbearable.
Mr. Meles is saying he has decided to quit but will respect his party's decision regarding it. Anybody knows that neither the current TPLF leadership not what remains of the EPRDF officialdom can survive for long without Mr. Meles' political machinations. What he is saying is, I will say I will quit and my party caucus will put pressure on me through parliament. Then I will have little choice but to respect their wishes!
Second, he says he will quit as Prime Minister but will remain as the party leader. That is impossible in the present political framework. If he has to resign as Prime Minister, he also has to resign from the Party leadership. Ethiopia has adapted a parliamentary democracy. In parliamentary democracy, the party leader is automatically the Prime Minister. Do not forget that the Front Benchers are selected and directed by the party leader. The Back Benchers also seek direct guidance from the party leader whose dictates they follow without fail.
Mr. Meles' posturing is more in tune with that of Gamal Abdel Nasser. When the Egyptian President’s army was decimated in the Six Day War by June 9, 1967, Nasser tendered his resignation as President in a televised broadcast only to “change his mind” when his decision was “rejected” by Egypt's National Assembly totally controlled by his National Democratic Party. So, come 2010 elections, rest assured that history will repeat itself.
The writer can be reached at pmilkias@yahoo.com
And here is the rest of it.
Meles Zenawi has announced his plans to quit his job as prime minister in 2010. Does it sound sincere? I do not believe he is going to quit. He is simply posturing. Here are reasons why?
An official who is determined to quit will not qualify it by another possibility. An excellent example to announce quitting: “I shall not seek, and I will not accept, the nomination of my party for another term as your president." This, as you know, was President Lyndon B. Johnson's announcement on March 31, 1968 after the setbacks of the Tet Offensive and the violent student demonstrations against the war in Vietnam made his life unbearable.
Mr. Meles is saying he has decided to quit but will respect his party's decision regarding it. Anybody knows that neither the current TPLF leadership not what remains of the EPRDF officialdom can survive for long without Mr. Meles' political machinations. What he is saying is, I will say I will quit and my party caucus will put pressure on me through parliament. Then I will have little choice but to respect their wishes!
Second, he says he will quit as Prime Minister but will remain as the party leader. That is impossible in the present political framework. If he has to resign as Prime Minister, he also has to resign from the Party leadership. Ethiopia has adapted a parliamentary democracy. In parliamentary democracy, the party leader is automatically the Prime Minister. Do not forget that the Front Benchers are selected and directed by the party leader. The Back Benchers also seek direct guidance from the party leader whose dictates they follow without fail.
Mr. Meles' posturing is more in tune with that of Gamal Abdel Nasser. When the Egyptian President’s army was decimated in the Six Day War by June 9, 1967, Nasser tendered his resignation as President in a televised broadcast only to “change his mind” when his decision was “rejected” by Egypt's National Assembly totally controlled by his National Democratic Party. So, come 2010 elections, rest assured that history will repeat itself.
The writer can be reached at pmilkias@yahoo.com
And here is the rest of it.
Morgan Tsvangirai’s “Fierce Urgency of Now”!
By Alemayehu G. Mariam
Zimbabwe Saved From the “Brink of a Dark Abyss”
A year ago, Morgan Tsvangirai won the first round of presidential elections in Zimbabwe. He refused to participate in the run-off calling it a “violent sham” for which his supporters risked death by voting for him. Last week, Tsvangirai became prime minister in a power sharing agreement fabricated by southern African regional leaders. In his inauguration speech, Prime Minster Tsvangirai spoke of the fierce urgency of now for the people of Zimbabwe:
For too long, Zimbabwe has endured violent political polarization. This must end today. For too long, our people’s hopes for a bright and prosperous future have been betrayed. Instead of hope, their days have been filled with starvation, disease and fear. A culture of entitlement and impunity has brought our nation to the brink of a dark abyss. This must end today. Economic collapse has forced millions of our most able to flee the country... This must end today."
Robert Mugabe, Zimbabwe’s Tyrannosaurus Rex (tyrant king), had publicly ridiculed Tsvangirai and his Movement for Democratic Change party as “shameless stooges of the West” and vowed never to talk to them. For over a decade, Mugabe’s thugs had routinely beaten, imprisoned and harassed Tsvangirai and his supporters. But last week Mugabe stood under the towering figure of Tsvangirai and administered the oath of office to him. The iron fist that had ruled Zimbabwe since its independence from Britain in 1980 was finally unclenched to shake Tsvangirai's hand in the spirit of reconciliation to help the suffering people of Zimbabwe. It was truly a wonderful sight to behold: Sworn adversaries making an uneasy peace to save their country from the “brink of a dark abyss.” Mugabe called on all parties to support the “unity” government “by turning our swords into ploughshares”. Tsvangirai offered a road map to get Zimbabwe out of its frightening mess.
Zimbabwe has been in deep trouble for several years. The world looked with horror as Mugabe plunged Zimbabwe into his Ninth Circle of Hell. Like Nero who played his violin when Rome burned, Mugabe kept on pounding his drumbeat of allegations of conspiracy between Western governments and their local “stooges” as Zimbabwe went into total economic meltdown. Today billions of Zimbabwean dollars are needed to buy a loaf of bread. Unemployment stands above 90 percent. One-half of the 12 million Zimbabweans are starving, and a cholera epidemic continues to kill tens of thousands.
Click on 'Read More' for the rest.
Tsvangirai’s Road Map for Zimbabwe
Tsvangirai struck a clear note about Zimbabwe’s future in his inauguration speech. He said there are three things that need to be done immediately: “Firstly, we must implement our democratization agenda.” That includes enactment of laws to “restore the people’s freedoms, create the mechanism through which a people’s constitution can be created, reestablish the rule of law and promote the independent media.” He said the “second priority is tackling the humanitarian crisis with every means possible.” Zimbabwe must deal with the cholera epidemic by reducing outbreaks, community transmission and the high mortality rates. Third, the economy must be “stabilized” by creating an “educated and healthy workforce.” He said that requires building schools and hospitals and taking care of the “professionals in our civil service [who] are the backbone of our government.” He promised that “every health worker, teacher, soldier and policeman [payment] in foreign currency until we are able to stabilize the economy.” He promised to “ensure that every Zimbabwean has access to emergency food aid regardless of tribal or political affiliation.” Zimbabwe will no longer be an international basket case; rather it will once again be Africa’s breadbasket.
Tsvangirai as a New Breed of African Leader
Tsvangirai took on a distinctly Obamaesque-style to his leadership in rebuilding Zimbabwe. He promised accountability, transparency, openness, separation of party and state and clean government. “As your Prime Minister, I will ensure that there is a clear distinction between the party and the state. I will be open and honest with you.” He called for reconciliation of the opposing factions and urged them to “work together to restore our pride in our people and our country.” He was conciliatory towards the international community and humanitarian organizations. He asked them “to engage with us to rebuild our nation and to work towards reestablishing a relationship that is not based on humanitarian assistance alone.” He declared his ultimate trust in the people of Zimbabwe and called upon them to unite in facing the enormous challenges: “People of Zimbabwe, we face many challenges but we are brave and resourceful. By uniting as a nation and a people we can succeed.” He urged them to “match our dreams for Zimbabwe with your own”, and reminded them that “at each point in our proud history we have looked forward not backwards, we have stood for hope not fear, we have believed in love not hate, and we have never lost touch with our democratic values or sight of our democratic goals.”
Two Lessons From Zimbabwe
Two lessons could be drawn from Tsvangirai’s accession to power in Zimbabwe. The first is that all African dictators will spare nothing to cling to power. Neither soaring unemployment, stratospheric inflation, mass starvation, epidemics nor the tears of their citizens will cause these calculating and stone-cold butchers to show compassion for the suffering of their people. But they all fall in the end. As Gandhi taught: “There have been tyrants and murderers, and for a time they seem invincible, but in the end, they always fall. Think of it, always.” Some may have wished Mugabe’s end to come with a bang and not a whimper. But his dictatorship has effectively come to an end. There is no going back. Soon the 84-year old Mugabe will join in the dustbin of history Africa’s bygone dictators -- Idi Amin, Milton Obote, Joseph Mobutu, Charles Taylor, Mengistu Haile Mariam, Hissène Habré, Jean Bedel Bokassa, Sekou Toure, and Peter Botha, among others.
But the real lesson comes from Tsvangirai who is making history. Even as Zimbabwe teeters on the brink of economic and humanitarian disaster, Tsvangirai declared that the most important task for Zimbabwe is restoration of the people’s freedoms, establishment of the rule of law and the full functioning of the an independent media. This realization makes Tsvangirai truly a new breed of African leader. The future of Africa and the dream of an African Renaissance will depend on leaders like Tsvangirai who recognize the vital importance of democratic rights, the indispensability of the rule of law and the necessity of an independent media as quintessential prerequisites for the success of African societies. Tsvangirai’s message is very clear: Unless every Zimbabwean is guaranteed basic freedoms -- freedom of expression, freedom from arbitrary arrest, detention and extrajudicial killings -- the economic problems can not be solved. Unless there is the supremacy of the rule of law, the problems of injustice and lack of legal accountability of those who have abused their power and the public trust will continue unabated. Unless there is a fully functional independent media, corruption will reign supreme in the halls of power and democracy will be unable to flourish in Zimbabwe. He is absolutely right!
A Time for Justice
Few expect Mugabe to honor his word about a unity government and work in good faith to make it succeed. He agreed to a power sharing deal under pressure, not out of genuine interest in reconciliation. Mugabe is already plying his old tricks. Within days of the agreement, he jailed Roy Bennett, a major ally of Tsvangirai and charged him with terrorism and treason. He also tried to swear in more than 20 ministers from his own party at the last minute, instead of the 15 agreed upon by the two sides. No doubt, Mugabe will try every trick in the book; but nothing will save him and his henchmen from their rendezvous with the dustbin of history.
If Mugabe lives long enough, he will certainly be held to account for his many crimes against humanity. During his first term as president, his thugs massacred more than 20,000 Ndebele, the rivals to his Shona tribe. Zimbabwean human rights activists and lawyers have documented thousands of cases of torture, illegal arrests and detentions, excessive use of force and extrajudicial killings by the Mugabe regime. Be that as it may, it is exhilarating to imagine Mugabe and his brother Mengistu riding out into the sunset of oblivion.
Unity Freedom Train Crossing the African Continent
There is a Unity Freedom Train crossing the African continent with whistle stops at all places where Africans are united. Tsvangirai, Zimbabwe’s new railroad conductor, has made it plain to his passengers: “People of Zimbabwe, I call upon all of us to put aside our differences, to begin a process of national healing within every community, to work across party lines and look forward together with hope, while learning from a sad past that has so devastated our nation and our people.”
Next stop for the Unity Freedom Train: Ethiopia. ALL ABOARD!
Alemayehu G. Mariam, is a professor of political science at California State University, San Bernardino, and an attorney based in Los Angeles. For comments, he can be reached at almariam@gmail.com
Zimbabwe Saved From the “Brink of a Dark Abyss”
A year ago, Morgan Tsvangirai won the first round of presidential elections in Zimbabwe. He refused to participate in the run-off calling it a “violent sham” for which his supporters risked death by voting for him. Last week, Tsvangirai became prime minister in a power sharing agreement fabricated by southern African regional leaders. In his inauguration speech, Prime Minster Tsvangirai spoke of the fierce urgency of now for the people of Zimbabwe:
For too long, Zimbabwe has endured violent political polarization. This must end today. For too long, our people’s hopes for a bright and prosperous future have been betrayed. Instead of hope, their days have been filled with starvation, disease and fear. A culture of entitlement and impunity has brought our nation to the brink of a dark abyss. This must end today. Economic collapse has forced millions of our most able to flee the country... This must end today."
Robert Mugabe, Zimbabwe’s Tyrannosaurus Rex (tyrant king), had publicly ridiculed Tsvangirai and his Movement for Democratic Change party as “shameless stooges of the West” and vowed never to talk to them. For over a decade, Mugabe’s thugs had routinely beaten, imprisoned and harassed Tsvangirai and his supporters. But last week Mugabe stood under the towering figure of Tsvangirai and administered the oath of office to him. The iron fist that had ruled Zimbabwe since its independence from Britain in 1980 was finally unclenched to shake Tsvangirai's hand in the spirit of reconciliation to help the suffering people of Zimbabwe. It was truly a wonderful sight to behold: Sworn adversaries making an uneasy peace to save their country from the “brink of a dark abyss.” Mugabe called on all parties to support the “unity” government “by turning our swords into ploughshares”. Tsvangirai offered a road map to get Zimbabwe out of its frightening mess.
Zimbabwe has been in deep trouble for several years. The world looked with horror as Mugabe plunged Zimbabwe into his Ninth Circle of Hell. Like Nero who played his violin when Rome burned, Mugabe kept on pounding his drumbeat of allegations of conspiracy between Western governments and their local “stooges” as Zimbabwe went into total economic meltdown. Today billions of Zimbabwean dollars are needed to buy a loaf of bread. Unemployment stands above 90 percent. One-half of the 12 million Zimbabweans are starving, and a cholera epidemic continues to kill tens of thousands.
Click on 'Read More' for the rest.
Tsvangirai’s Road Map for Zimbabwe
Tsvangirai struck a clear note about Zimbabwe’s future in his inauguration speech. He said there are three things that need to be done immediately: “Firstly, we must implement our democratization agenda.” That includes enactment of laws to “restore the people’s freedoms, create the mechanism through which a people’s constitution can be created, reestablish the rule of law and promote the independent media.” He said the “second priority is tackling the humanitarian crisis with every means possible.” Zimbabwe must deal with the cholera epidemic by reducing outbreaks, community transmission and the high mortality rates. Third, the economy must be “stabilized” by creating an “educated and healthy workforce.” He said that requires building schools and hospitals and taking care of the “professionals in our civil service [who] are the backbone of our government.” He promised that “every health worker, teacher, soldier and policeman [payment] in foreign currency until we are able to stabilize the economy.” He promised to “ensure that every Zimbabwean has access to emergency food aid regardless of tribal or political affiliation.” Zimbabwe will no longer be an international basket case; rather it will once again be Africa’s breadbasket.
Tsvangirai as a New Breed of African Leader
Tsvangirai took on a distinctly Obamaesque-style to his leadership in rebuilding Zimbabwe. He promised accountability, transparency, openness, separation of party and state and clean government. “As your Prime Minister, I will ensure that there is a clear distinction between the party and the state. I will be open and honest with you.” He called for reconciliation of the opposing factions and urged them to “work together to restore our pride in our people and our country.” He was conciliatory towards the international community and humanitarian organizations. He asked them “to engage with us to rebuild our nation and to work towards reestablishing a relationship that is not based on humanitarian assistance alone.” He declared his ultimate trust in the people of Zimbabwe and called upon them to unite in facing the enormous challenges: “People of Zimbabwe, we face many challenges but we are brave and resourceful. By uniting as a nation and a people we can succeed.” He urged them to “match our dreams for Zimbabwe with your own”, and reminded them that “at each point in our proud history we have looked forward not backwards, we have stood for hope not fear, we have believed in love not hate, and we have never lost touch with our democratic values or sight of our democratic goals.”
Two Lessons From Zimbabwe
Two lessons could be drawn from Tsvangirai’s accession to power in Zimbabwe. The first is that all African dictators will spare nothing to cling to power. Neither soaring unemployment, stratospheric inflation, mass starvation, epidemics nor the tears of their citizens will cause these calculating and stone-cold butchers to show compassion for the suffering of their people. But they all fall in the end. As Gandhi taught: “There have been tyrants and murderers, and for a time they seem invincible, but in the end, they always fall. Think of it, always.” Some may have wished Mugabe’s end to come with a bang and not a whimper. But his dictatorship has effectively come to an end. There is no going back. Soon the 84-year old Mugabe will join in the dustbin of history Africa’s bygone dictators -- Idi Amin, Milton Obote, Joseph Mobutu, Charles Taylor, Mengistu Haile Mariam, Hissène Habré, Jean Bedel Bokassa, Sekou Toure, and Peter Botha, among others.
But the real lesson comes from Tsvangirai who is making history. Even as Zimbabwe teeters on the brink of economic and humanitarian disaster, Tsvangirai declared that the most important task for Zimbabwe is restoration of the people’s freedoms, establishment of the rule of law and the full functioning of the an independent media. This realization makes Tsvangirai truly a new breed of African leader. The future of Africa and the dream of an African Renaissance will depend on leaders like Tsvangirai who recognize the vital importance of democratic rights, the indispensability of the rule of law and the necessity of an independent media as quintessential prerequisites for the success of African societies. Tsvangirai’s message is very clear: Unless every Zimbabwean is guaranteed basic freedoms -- freedom of expression, freedom from arbitrary arrest, detention and extrajudicial killings -- the economic problems can not be solved. Unless there is the supremacy of the rule of law, the problems of injustice and lack of legal accountability of those who have abused their power and the public trust will continue unabated. Unless there is a fully functional independent media, corruption will reign supreme in the halls of power and democracy will be unable to flourish in Zimbabwe. He is absolutely right!
A Time for Justice
Few expect Mugabe to honor his word about a unity government and work in good faith to make it succeed. He agreed to a power sharing deal under pressure, not out of genuine interest in reconciliation. Mugabe is already plying his old tricks. Within days of the agreement, he jailed Roy Bennett, a major ally of Tsvangirai and charged him with terrorism and treason. He also tried to swear in more than 20 ministers from his own party at the last minute, instead of the 15 agreed upon by the two sides. No doubt, Mugabe will try every trick in the book; but nothing will save him and his henchmen from their rendezvous with the dustbin of history.
If Mugabe lives long enough, he will certainly be held to account for his many crimes against humanity. During his first term as president, his thugs massacred more than 20,000 Ndebele, the rivals to his Shona tribe. Zimbabwean human rights activists and lawyers have documented thousands of cases of torture, illegal arrests and detentions, excessive use of force and extrajudicial killings by the Mugabe regime. Be that as it may, it is exhilarating to imagine Mugabe and his brother Mengistu riding out into the sunset of oblivion.
Unity Freedom Train Crossing the African Continent
There is a Unity Freedom Train crossing the African continent with whistle stops at all places where Africans are united. Tsvangirai, Zimbabwe’s new railroad conductor, has made it plain to his passengers: “People of Zimbabwe, I call upon all of us to put aside our differences, to begin a process of national healing within every community, to work across party lines and look forward together with hope, while learning from a sad past that has so devastated our nation and our people.”
Next stop for the Unity Freedom Train: Ethiopia. ALL ABOARD!
Alemayehu G. Mariam, is a professor of political science at California State University, San Bernardino, and an attorney based in Los Angeles. For comments, he can be reached at almariam@gmail.com
Ethiopian Diaspora investment potential
By Minga Negash (Ph.D., University of Witwatersrand)
In many respects a Diaspora bond involves an appeal for a sense of patriotism. It means the home country has not been able to finance the foreign exchange component of development projects by borrowing from the open market, or finds it cheaper to finance the project(s) from this source of finance. Diaspora savings can thus be channelled to projects that have multiplier effects in the home country; than being transferred in the form of transfers that have little or no multiplier effects, such as spending in family support and sending gifts in the form of consumables such as clothes and shoes. Decoupling finance from patriotism is not an easy matter for the Diaspora especially at a time when the global financial crisis is taking its toll.
The crisis is now taking its effect on the real economy. There are few economies that are decoupled. The United States’ latest stimulus plan is yet to reverse the frightening level of joblessness and the shrinking demand. Immigrant populations living in the OECD countries are of course sharing the first brunt of the adverse effects of the financial meltdown. Assuming the turnaround is not far, the Diaspora is faced with the choice of investing in the country of residence’s bonds or investing in home country’s debt instruments. One needs to be sympathetic to the plea of the home country; but capital is realistic, and involves greed and security. In this commentary I attempt to show the link between finance and patriotism, and indicate risk mitigation options for making Diaspora bonds more investable. I use the recently issued Ethiopian Electric Power Corporation (EEPCO) Millennium Bond as a case study.
Click on 'Read More' for the rest.
The central bank, the National Bank of Ethiopia (NBE) has underwritten Ethiopia’s first Diaspora bond. The bond itself was issued by the state owned power utility company (EEPCO), and the debt instrument is being marketed by the state owned bank, the Commercial Bank of Ethiopia (CBE). In practical-institutional terms, the borrower is the Government of Ethiopia. The key features of the bond are as follows. The interest rates are 4%, 4.5% and 5% respectively for 5, 7 and 10 years bonds. The face value of the bond is US dollar 100 and the minimum investment required from a member of the Ethiopian Diaspora is US 500 dollars or its equivalent in selected convertible currencies. The target investors are holders of the Ethiopian passport who are residents outside of Ethiopia, and citizens of foreign countries who can trace their origin back to Ethiopia. The bond’s softeners are (i) the investment can be used as a deposit for borrowings from local banks in local currency, and (ii) the interest is tax exempt at the source. For more details, see Ethiopian government affiliated websites. The bond is expected to be sold through networks in OECD and the Middle East countries. It is not guaranteed by an international investment bank. It is unclear whether the selling networks meet standards for taking deposits and providing investment advice to the investing public. The instrument is not backed by assets. Unfortunately, Ethiopia has no formal rating for its sovereign bond. The best it could have is a “shadow rating” of about CCC-; a rating often associated with a “junk” bond in America, and/or bonds issued by countries that had financial and banking crisis of one sort or another. Ethiopia is not yet a member of World Trade Organization (WTO) and, the risk mitigation methods for an expatriate investor evolve around the country’s accession to MIGA (multilateral investment guarantee agreement) regime some 20 years ago, and agreements through forums such as ACP-EU. It is unclear whether the bond will be covered under MIGA and similar agreements. Furthermore, it is unclear whether Ethiopia has a double taxation treaty with the capital source countries where the target buyer of the bond is resident. Hence, the Ethiopian Diaspora, even though his/her home country is not known for defaulting international debts or delays in contributing membership dues to international organizations, he/he faces a typical investment decision problem.
This commentary is not intended to be a financial advice. It is aimed at sparking a debate about risk mitigation strategies for both the members of Diaspora and the bond issuing and guaranteeing authorities and their advisors. One needs to differentiate between risk avoidance (which in this case is not investing in a Diaspora bond) from actions that can be described as risk hedging strategies. Risk hedging (mitigation) strategies are important in that the investor is also protected from ruining his/her hard earned savings. The risk hedging strategies range from the design of official and homemade risk mitigation programmes. Guaranteeing the bond (at least partially) by international organizations; creating linked products such as retirement, Medicare, travel, leisure, home ownership, education plans are examples of schemes that add additional features to the bond, and make the product “exotic”. Failing these, the rate of return must be high enough to compensate for the level of risk that is faced by the investor in Diaspora bonds.
The weakness of institutions suggests the weakness of the institutions of the State. Many Sub Sahara Africa (SSA) countries have had various forms of stigma that include ‘failed’, ‘diseased’, ‘fragile’ and ‘dysfunctional’ states. If this is the case, one might conclude that lending to a failed state is the worst thing one can do. Hence, a member of a Diaspora from failed state must rather take out, as it seems to be the case, his/her siblings out of that state. He/she would send remittance if the siblings are caught in conflict zones or are literally held hostages. Some studies indeed show that this is the case. The remittance statistics for Burundi, Eritrea, Liberia and Somalia were relatively high when compared to other SSA countries that were relatively stable. Notwithstanding this, an investor in a Diaspora bond has to ensure that his/her retirement and savings are kept in the safe regions of the world. Hence, uncertainty, weak and non-existent institutions, bad laws, problematic law enforcement and administrative processes, and poorly designed financial products make resource channelling to SSA countries difficult.
In his famous book, the Brief History of Science, Stephen Hawking attributed the discovery of the uncertainty principle to Werner Heisenberg. Heisenberg suggests that uncertainty is a problem of not knowing the velocity of a particle. In finance, the problem of uncertainty is twofold: - First, it is a problem of not knowing the value of an asset (the particle), and second, as in science it is a problem of not knowing the velocity (movement) of the financial product especially in times of crisis. Big banks, investment houses and insurance companies whose assets by far surpass the aggregate GDPs of the entire SSA countries have collapsed. This failure is despite complex regulation, listings in organized markets, rating by credit rating agencies, complex contracts and judiciary, “high quality” accounting and audit standards and the applications of latest managerial, compensation and prediction (including bankruptcy) tools. Hence, the purpose of history, as in credit history and the failure of the banks, is to learn from the past as long as there is strong association between the past, the present and the future. The uncertainty problem associated with Diaspora bonds is indeed complex.
Ratha, Mohapatra and Plaza (2008) in their study of capital inflows from Diasporas, observed that international financial flows to developing economies occur in number of directions. They are through official development assistance (ODA); foreign direct investment (FDI); portfolio of debt and equity; bank lending, and personal and institutional remittances. In terms of the order of importance, they rank the sources of international flows to SSA in the following order: - ODA, private sector short and long term flow, FDI and remittances. Nielsen and Riddle (2007) also examined why Diasporas invest in their homelands. They observed that emotions, sense of duty, social networks, strength of Diaspora organizations and returns are important factors. Leblang (2008) shows that migrant networks are useful conduits of capital flows, and the major assumption is that migrant networks decrease the level of information asymmetry between a borrower and a lender. Anecdotal and statistical evidence show that Ireland, Israel and India have benefited from this source of finance. The World Bank experts also note that India, Lebanon and Sri Lanka have been successful in issuing Diaspora bonds. They note that India has been able to raise considerable funds by offering rates that ranged between 7.2% and 8.9%, and getting its bond rated as BB. The present problem is whether this success can be replicated in SSA countries.
The behavior of the Ethiopian Diaspora, which according to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ethiopia is estimated at about 2 million if united, has the potential to address not only what economists refer to as the Lucas paradox, a phenomena that is often associated with the non migration of capital to developing nations despite high return opportunities, but also mitigate risk and influence home country policy. Hence, the challenge is for the Diaspora as it is for the issuing and underwriting authorities. According to the March 2008 World Bank estimate, in 2006 the Ethiopian Diaspora contributed 173 million US dollars (1.3% of GDP) while emigrants from neighboring Kenya and the Sudan respectively contributed to the tune of 5.3% and 3.1% of the GDPs.
The World Bank’s statistics however is contradicted by the data that is coming from Ethiopian government sources. The European Union for example relies on data supplied by the NBE, and estimates the financial flow from remittance at about 3.6% of GDP in 2005. Similarly, migration statistics is also unreliable, and the statistics for the Ethiopian Diaspora can be a wild guess. Excluding conflict and drought driven displacement, migration to OECD countries, the Middle East and Southern Africa has been increasing in recent years. In this respect, though a dated statistics, the United States migration office estimated the legally resident population of Ethiopian origin at about 450 thousand; with the emigrants having a median age of far less than 35 years; about 30% of them having at least a Bachelor of Science (BSc) or equivalent degree; and 84% having a school leaving certificate. This statistics significantly understates the true migration picture of Ethiopians to the United States, but provides some pointers.
The comparative statistics for other countries does not indicate that the Ethiopian immigration figure is out of line. In fact an OECD study that was published in 2000 does indicate that SSA countries do not dominate world migration statistics. From SSA region only Nigeria featured as the 27th country out of 28 countries that were covered by the study. Notwithstanding this, for the purposes of this commentary one can conclude that the Ethiopian Diaspora, if benchmarked by the statistics obtained in the United States, however dated and understated it may be, is a skilled and semi skilled population group. In other words, it can be a conduit for the flow of capital, knowledge and skills.
According IOM (International Office for Migration), the Ethiopian government has a "very active" approach to Diaspora affairs. It states that in 2002, the Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs inaugurated a General Directorate in Charge of Expatriate Affairs to (1) serve as a liaison between the government and the Diaspora; (2) encourage the active involvement of the Diaspora in socioeconomic activities in Ethiopia; (3) safeguard the rights and privileges of Ethiopians abroad; and (4) mobilize the Diaspora to improve the public image of Ethiopia. Evidence shows that the success of this office is mixed. Critics argue that its work has been largely divisive. The Directorate’s image was further damaged by a leaked document about the task that was given to it in combating the international campaign for the release of the jailed CUD leaders.
The Diaspora was labeled as “extremist” and its prominent members and distinguished academics were put on a “wanted list”. The churches and the mosques are divided along political and ethnic lines. The re-imprisonment of Judge (Miss) Birtukan Mideksa (the leader of the repackaged CUD) and government’s futile media campaign through its “experts” (see for example www.aigaforum.com; www.walta.com) has started to backfire. The horses for the next election (if there is a free and fair one) are being made clear. In short, the Ethiopian Diaspora has a major problem of knowing the correct path of change, and has not been able to effectively influence the government’s political, economic, foreign and social policy.
Accuracy and reliability are two key features of information that are needed for making economic decisions. Most of the information that is reaching the Diaspora contains elements of propaganda. It suffers from representational faithfulness. In finance and accounting representational faithfulness and relevance are key factors for determining fundamental value of a security such as a bond. Property right, investor protection; the rule of law, the credibility of financial statements of the borrower and the underwriter, cash flows and earnings are critical factors in lending decisions. Policy predictability and the integrity of government officials are also important. In short negative news dominates positive news. The death of the CEO of CBE in mysterious circumstances and the extended imprisonment of the bank’s senior executives, the discovery of fake gold in the NBE, the CBE’s recent inability to collect the loan it advanced to MIDROCK’s owner, all adds to the problem of trust.
Another interesting question that the issuer of a bond must answer is why should a resident of for example the United States buy the millennium bond when in fact there are competitive municipal bonds that are also tax exempt in the United States? Why is it that EEPCO’s bond has a 4% interest when Indian bonds are offering 7% or 8%? Can an Ethiopian Diaspora member make use of arbitrage opportunities to benefit from Indian bonds? What is the implication of the transaction for taxation at the source of the capital? Will the bond be sold only at face value or will it have some kind of market value?
The February 1, 2009 edition of the New York Times illustrates the problem of bond valuation at a time of crisis. Writing on troubled banks, the newspaper illustrated the problem that is faced by one financial institution that owns a “toxic” bond. The owner of the bond calculates the value of the debt instrument at 97 cents on the dollar, or a mere 3 percent loss. According to Standard and Poor (S& P), one the major rating agencies, the estimate is that the bond is worth 87 cents, based on the current loan-default rate. The rating agency also stated that the bond could be worth 53 cents under a “bleaker situation”. The bond under discussion also recently traded at 38 cents on the dollar. If there was an active market for Diaspora bonds, what would be the value of EEPCO’s Millennium Bond? Will it do better or worse? In conclusion, the buyers of Diaspora bonds, Ethiopians and non Ethiopians alike, face the problem of the art dealer depicted in Abraham Brilof’s (1981:1) famous book entitled, “More Debits than Credits”.
“An art dealer bought a canvas signed “Picasso” and travelled all the way to Cannes to discover whether it was genuine. Picasso was working in his studio. He cast a single look at the canvas and said, “It’s fake.” A few months later the dealer bought another canvas signed “Picasso”. Again he travelled to Cannes and again Picasso, after another single glance, grunted, “It is fake”. “But cher maitre “expostulated the dealer, “it so happens that I saw you with my own eyes working on this very picture several years ago.” Picasso shrugged [and said]: “I often paint fakes.”
The writer can be reached at Minga.Negash@wits.ac.za.
In many respects a Diaspora bond involves an appeal for a sense of patriotism. It means the home country has not been able to finance the foreign exchange component of development projects by borrowing from the open market, or finds it cheaper to finance the project(s) from this source of finance. Diaspora savings can thus be channelled to projects that have multiplier effects in the home country; than being transferred in the form of transfers that have little or no multiplier effects, such as spending in family support and sending gifts in the form of consumables such as clothes and shoes. Decoupling finance from patriotism is not an easy matter for the Diaspora especially at a time when the global financial crisis is taking its toll.
The crisis is now taking its effect on the real economy. There are few economies that are decoupled. The United States’ latest stimulus plan is yet to reverse the frightening level of joblessness and the shrinking demand. Immigrant populations living in the OECD countries are of course sharing the first brunt of the adverse effects of the financial meltdown. Assuming the turnaround is not far, the Diaspora is faced with the choice of investing in the country of residence’s bonds or investing in home country’s debt instruments. One needs to be sympathetic to the plea of the home country; but capital is realistic, and involves greed and security. In this commentary I attempt to show the link between finance and patriotism, and indicate risk mitigation options for making Diaspora bonds more investable. I use the recently issued Ethiopian Electric Power Corporation (EEPCO) Millennium Bond as a case study.
Click on 'Read More' for the rest.
The central bank, the National Bank of Ethiopia (NBE) has underwritten Ethiopia’s first Diaspora bond. The bond itself was issued by the state owned power utility company (EEPCO), and the debt instrument is being marketed by the state owned bank, the Commercial Bank of Ethiopia (CBE). In practical-institutional terms, the borrower is the Government of Ethiopia. The key features of the bond are as follows. The interest rates are 4%, 4.5% and 5% respectively for 5, 7 and 10 years bonds. The face value of the bond is US dollar 100 and the minimum investment required from a member of the Ethiopian Diaspora is US 500 dollars or its equivalent in selected convertible currencies. The target investors are holders of the Ethiopian passport who are residents outside of Ethiopia, and citizens of foreign countries who can trace their origin back to Ethiopia. The bond’s softeners are (i) the investment can be used as a deposit for borrowings from local banks in local currency, and (ii) the interest is tax exempt at the source. For more details, see Ethiopian government affiliated websites. The bond is expected to be sold through networks in OECD and the Middle East countries. It is not guaranteed by an international investment bank. It is unclear whether the selling networks meet standards for taking deposits and providing investment advice to the investing public. The instrument is not backed by assets. Unfortunately, Ethiopia has no formal rating for its sovereign bond. The best it could have is a “shadow rating” of about CCC-; a rating often associated with a “junk” bond in America, and/or bonds issued by countries that had financial and banking crisis of one sort or another. Ethiopia is not yet a member of World Trade Organization (WTO) and, the risk mitigation methods for an expatriate investor evolve around the country’s accession to MIGA (multilateral investment guarantee agreement) regime some 20 years ago, and agreements through forums such as ACP-EU. It is unclear whether the bond will be covered under MIGA and similar agreements. Furthermore, it is unclear whether Ethiopia has a double taxation treaty with the capital source countries where the target buyer of the bond is resident. Hence, the Ethiopian Diaspora, even though his/her home country is not known for defaulting international debts or delays in contributing membership dues to international organizations, he/he faces a typical investment decision problem.
This commentary is not intended to be a financial advice. It is aimed at sparking a debate about risk mitigation strategies for both the members of Diaspora and the bond issuing and guaranteeing authorities and their advisors. One needs to differentiate between risk avoidance (which in this case is not investing in a Diaspora bond) from actions that can be described as risk hedging strategies. Risk hedging (mitigation) strategies are important in that the investor is also protected from ruining his/her hard earned savings. The risk hedging strategies range from the design of official and homemade risk mitigation programmes. Guaranteeing the bond (at least partially) by international organizations; creating linked products such as retirement, Medicare, travel, leisure, home ownership, education plans are examples of schemes that add additional features to the bond, and make the product “exotic”. Failing these, the rate of return must be high enough to compensate for the level of risk that is faced by the investor in Diaspora bonds.
The weakness of institutions suggests the weakness of the institutions of the State. Many Sub Sahara Africa (SSA) countries have had various forms of stigma that include ‘failed’, ‘diseased’, ‘fragile’ and ‘dysfunctional’ states. If this is the case, one might conclude that lending to a failed state is the worst thing one can do. Hence, a member of a Diaspora from failed state must rather take out, as it seems to be the case, his/her siblings out of that state. He/she would send remittance if the siblings are caught in conflict zones or are literally held hostages. Some studies indeed show that this is the case. The remittance statistics for Burundi, Eritrea, Liberia and Somalia were relatively high when compared to other SSA countries that were relatively stable. Notwithstanding this, an investor in a Diaspora bond has to ensure that his/her retirement and savings are kept in the safe regions of the world. Hence, uncertainty, weak and non-existent institutions, bad laws, problematic law enforcement and administrative processes, and poorly designed financial products make resource channelling to SSA countries difficult.
In his famous book, the Brief History of Science, Stephen Hawking attributed the discovery of the uncertainty principle to Werner Heisenberg. Heisenberg suggests that uncertainty is a problem of not knowing the velocity of a particle. In finance, the problem of uncertainty is twofold: - First, it is a problem of not knowing the value of an asset (the particle), and second, as in science it is a problem of not knowing the velocity (movement) of the financial product especially in times of crisis. Big banks, investment houses and insurance companies whose assets by far surpass the aggregate GDPs of the entire SSA countries have collapsed. This failure is despite complex regulation, listings in organized markets, rating by credit rating agencies, complex contracts and judiciary, “high quality” accounting and audit standards and the applications of latest managerial, compensation and prediction (including bankruptcy) tools. Hence, the purpose of history, as in credit history and the failure of the banks, is to learn from the past as long as there is strong association between the past, the present and the future. The uncertainty problem associated with Diaspora bonds is indeed complex.
Ratha, Mohapatra and Plaza (2008) in their study of capital inflows from Diasporas, observed that international financial flows to developing economies occur in number of directions. They are through official development assistance (ODA); foreign direct investment (FDI); portfolio of debt and equity; bank lending, and personal and institutional remittances. In terms of the order of importance, they rank the sources of international flows to SSA in the following order: - ODA, private sector short and long term flow, FDI and remittances. Nielsen and Riddle (2007) also examined why Diasporas invest in their homelands. They observed that emotions, sense of duty, social networks, strength of Diaspora organizations and returns are important factors. Leblang (2008) shows that migrant networks are useful conduits of capital flows, and the major assumption is that migrant networks decrease the level of information asymmetry between a borrower and a lender. Anecdotal and statistical evidence show that Ireland, Israel and India have benefited from this source of finance. The World Bank experts also note that India, Lebanon and Sri Lanka have been successful in issuing Diaspora bonds. They note that India has been able to raise considerable funds by offering rates that ranged between 7.2% and 8.9%, and getting its bond rated as BB. The present problem is whether this success can be replicated in SSA countries.
The behavior of the Ethiopian Diaspora, which according to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ethiopia is estimated at about 2 million if united, has the potential to address not only what economists refer to as the Lucas paradox, a phenomena that is often associated with the non migration of capital to developing nations despite high return opportunities, but also mitigate risk and influence home country policy. Hence, the challenge is for the Diaspora as it is for the issuing and underwriting authorities. According to the March 2008 World Bank estimate, in 2006 the Ethiopian Diaspora contributed 173 million US dollars (1.3% of GDP) while emigrants from neighboring Kenya and the Sudan respectively contributed to the tune of 5.3% and 3.1% of the GDPs.
The World Bank’s statistics however is contradicted by the data that is coming from Ethiopian government sources. The European Union for example relies on data supplied by the NBE, and estimates the financial flow from remittance at about 3.6% of GDP in 2005. Similarly, migration statistics is also unreliable, and the statistics for the Ethiopian Diaspora can be a wild guess. Excluding conflict and drought driven displacement, migration to OECD countries, the Middle East and Southern Africa has been increasing in recent years. In this respect, though a dated statistics, the United States migration office estimated the legally resident population of Ethiopian origin at about 450 thousand; with the emigrants having a median age of far less than 35 years; about 30% of them having at least a Bachelor of Science (BSc) or equivalent degree; and 84% having a school leaving certificate. This statistics significantly understates the true migration picture of Ethiopians to the United States, but provides some pointers.
The comparative statistics for other countries does not indicate that the Ethiopian immigration figure is out of line. In fact an OECD study that was published in 2000 does indicate that SSA countries do not dominate world migration statistics. From SSA region only Nigeria featured as the 27th country out of 28 countries that were covered by the study. Notwithstanding this, for the purposes of this commentary one can conclude that the Ethiopian Diaspora, if benchmarked by the statistics obtained in the United States, however dated and understated it may be, is a skilled and semi skilled population group. In other words, it can be a conduit for the flow of capital, knowledge and skills.
According IOM (International Office for Migration), the Ethiopian government has a "very active" approach to Diaspora affairs. It states that in 2002, the Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs inaugurated a General Directorate in Charge of Expatriate Affairs to (1) serve as a liaison between the government and the Diaspora; (2) encourage the active involvement of the Diaspora in socioeconomic activities in Ethiopia; (3) safeguard the rights and privileges of Ethiopians abroad; and (4) mobilize the Diaspora to improve the public image of Ethiopia. Evidence shows that the success of this office is mixed. Critics argue that its work has been largely divisive. The Directorate’s image was further damaged by a leaked document about the task that was given to it in combating the international campaign for the release of the jailed CUD leaders.
The Diaspora was labeled as “extremist” and its prominent members and distinguished academics were put on a “wanted list”. The churches and the mosques are divided along political and ethnic lines. The re-imprisonment of Judge (Miss) Birtukan Mideksa (the leader of the repackaged CUD) and government’s futile media campaign through its “experts” (see for example www.aigaforum.com; www.walta.com) has started to backfire. The horses for the next election (if there is a free and fair one) are being made clear. In short, the Ethiopian Diaspora has a major problem of knowing the correct path of change, and has not been able to effectively influence the government’s political, economic, foreign and social policy.
Accuracy and reliability are two key features of information that are needed for making economic decisions. Most of the information that is reaching the Diaspora contains elements of propaganda. It suffers from representational faithfulness. In finance and accounting representational faithfulness and relevance are key factors for determining fundamental value of a security such as a bond. Property right, investor protection; the rule of law, the credibility of financial statements of the borrower and the underwriter, cash flows and earnings are critical factors in lending decisions. Policy predictability and the integrity of government officials are also important. In short negative news dominates positive news. The death of the CEO of CBE in mysterious circumstances and the extended imprisonment of the bank’s senior executives, the discovery of fake gold in the NBE, the CBE’s recent inability to collect the loan it advanced to MIDROCK’s owner, all adds to the problem of trust.
Another interesting question that the issuer of a bond must answer is why should a resident of for example the United States buy the millennium bond when in fact there are competitive municipal bonds that are also tax exempt in the United States? Why is it that EEPCO’s bond has a 4% interest when Indian bonds are offering 7% or 8%? Can an Ethiopian Diaspora member make use of arbitrage opportunities to benefit from Indian bonds? What is the implication of the transaction for taxation at the source of the capital? Will the bond be sold only at face value or will it have some kind of market value?
The February 1, 2009 edition of the New York Times illustrates the problem of bond valuation at a time of crisis. Writing on troubled banks, the newspaper illustrated the problem that is faced by one financial institution that owns a “toxic” bond. The owner of the bond calculates the value of the debt instrument at 97 cents on the dollar, or a mere 3 percent loss. According to Standard and Poor (S& P), one the major rating agencies, the estimate is that the bond is worth 87 cents, based on the current loan-default rate. The rating agency also stated that the bond could be worth 53 cents under a “bleaker situation”. The bond under discussion also recently traded at 38 cents on the dollar. If there was an active market for Diaspora bonds, what would be the value of EEPCO’s Millennium Bond? Will it do better or worse? In conclusion, the buyers of Diaspora bonds, Ethiopians and non Ethiopians alike, face the problem of the art dealer depicted in Abraham Brilof’s (1981:1) famous book entitled, “More Debits than Credits”.
“An art dealer bought a canvas signed “Picasso” and travelled all the way to Cannes to discover whether it was genuine. Picasso was working in his studio. He cast a single look at the canvas and said, “It’s fake.” A few months later the dealer bought another canvas signed “Picasso”. Again he travelled to Cannes and again Picasso, after another single glance, grunted, “It is fake”. “But cher maitre “expostulated the dealer, “it so happens that I saw you with my own eyes working on this very picture several years ago.” Picasso shrugged [and said]: “I often paint fakes.”
The writer can be reached at Minga.Negash@wits.ac.za.
Observation on Ethiopian political insanity!
By Haile Desta
I am tired of hearing the same and outdated political view, which made us before scattered like sheep that has no shepherd and strove after wind from the so called political leaders. When do we open our eyes and minds to recognize what went wrong and fix our mistakes? When do we stop the insanity (i.e. doing the same thing repeatedly and expect different result) running in our society and come to our sanity so as to change Ethiopia and ourselves? Are not we ashamed of living in a mass misery in 21st century? Can’t we listen silently to the mockeries (i.e. incapable of feeding ourselves in 21st century) of our enemies? By the way, if we cannot help ourselves, who will help us?
Why do we fail repeatedly?
As an Ethiopian, I always ask my self as to why we become a captive of backwardness, political insanity and other social problems for many years and still bound to suffer? What holds us from coming together and move the country to a better destiny? Why all our attempts succumb to failure, especially, in the past 3 decades? There is no simple answer for the above-mentioned questions and persistent social problems of the country. However, there are some visible reasons for the social instability and incessant sad events of the country:
1. The lack of compatibility between what we like ideally and what we can really accomplish based on the skill and knowledge we possess to make happened the desired result. In other words, we fail to figure out how to move from the old system to a new one while keeping the unity of the country intact. In our past journey, our educated people failed us to come with a bold and visionary response and slacken to look deeply for the secret what makes Ethiopia and what holds Ethiopians together as people for centuries.
2. The lack of profound knowledge what to do exactly in the country. That means we could not differentiate what is truly right from what appears to be right. We simply rushed to adopt the language and replicate the style of movements or governments with which they really have nothing in common to our way of life. In other words, we did not look a solution for our problems from the sea of our traditional values and culture. That means we ignore who we are and look an answer from alien ideology that cause us go astray and drive wedges between us. I hope our intellectuals will raise this issue in near future in large and throw a light about the impact of ignoring our culture and traditional values.
3. The last one is the personal cynical political ambition of political leaders-they put their personal interest above the imperative needs of the people.
I believe from combination of all the said reasons we can say that almost all the errors of our political behavior have emanated. Nothing illustrates this truth better than the unworkable political behavior we have adopted toward our solutions problem. Click on 'Read More' for the rest.
On the current government of Ethiopia
The current administration policy is not agreeable to the heart of many Ethiopians because it ignores the common experience and value of Ethiopian people and promotes race differences. As the result, many Ethiopians started to doubt whether this government is standing for the unity and social progress of the country. The implementation of ethnic federalism, article 39 on the constitution that allows separation, its stand on the question of access to the red sea and lastly the way it handles the border issue between Ethiopia and Eritrea are considered by many of us as an assault on the unity of the country and strike at our pride. I strongly believe it is, to us, against nature for Ethiopians to live with out access to our natural border, the Red Sea.
Personally, I am always puzzled by the dangerous course of action of the government, whether it emanates from deliberate act or political naiveté. We know that every policy is framed based on national interest of a country. However, in our country the contrary is true. The policy introduced by the government becomes a base for our disarray and division rather than being for union. This shows the government’s lack of vision, which is the most important trait any leadership should have possessed for the best of the country.
At this time, the government has formulated and pursued policies it could not implement. It has neglected to practice policies, which might have succeeded. Thus, the government is forced to toil for vain because of its misguided policy. As the result our people are bounded to live in a constant misery.
My strong conviction is that, despite what ever is done in the past, still there is a room for all political organizations, including the government, to seat together and look for a solution and veer the wrong direction the country is heading now. We must leave all the past political insanity behind and follow the course of love and harmony. The government must open its door and give a chance to a political reconciliation. On the other hand, there must be a good willing from the opposition group to embrace the said solution if their love for the country is greater than their hate to the existing government. Then, we all Ethiopians can have a better chance to bring our country to revitalization and avert future calamities. I believe the only solution we have in our hand is sitting together and heal the past wounds and march on to our future dreams.
The unity of the country is on the brink of danger because of the government erroneous policy. It is not too late even now to reverse this dangerous policy if there is a good willing on the part of the ruling party. Please do not discolor the huge sacrifice that is paid by our fathers to keep the unity and freedom of the country we are enjoying now. We judge you [the current government] not by your ability to stay in power through convoluted means, but by what you do genuinely for the sake of the country. Thus, may Lord bestow you courage and good heart to abandon the lethal act you practicing for 18 years and seek the right path for the country.
On the opposition group of Ethiopia
My critic goes heavily to the opposition group for not choosing their course wisely and lengthening the life of the undemocratic practice of the existing administration. My wish is always to see a better government in terms of guarding our unity, protecting our national interest and changing the sad situation we are facing now.
I would like to enumerate the main downsides of the so-called opposition group:
1. The truth is the harsh sentiment that is developed among different political organizations during the last 3 decades becomes the main obstacle for the creation of strong political organization that can handle the existing and future problems of the country. In other words, the methods and slogans of the opposition group have not only poisoned the relation between them but also blinded them to see the real problems of the country. They spend their golden time in envying and hindering each other. And yet, the dreary thing is, there is no hope to avoid this ill will in the future with in the coalition of the opposition group for the sake of the country.
2. The truth is the opposition leaders are not selfless and determine to achieve the desired result of the Ethiopian people. They simply standup when they feel there is a suitable condition that goes with their interest, but vanish when that event succumb to produce what is expected. If that is the reality, I think it is our duty to tell them to desist their hands from being the vanguard of the Ethiopian people struggle.
3. The truth is the habit we are witnessing in the opposition camp is to paint Weyane as the source of all tribulations in the country at this time. To me this is a coward practice. Well, Weyane has its downsides & indeed implemented unnecessary and even dangerous policy that may dilute the Ethiopianness sentiment of the people. But still I cannot call Weyane the source of all turbulent we have now. I think the root cause is originated from all of us-from the way we think and try to implement. Why do not we pay an attention to the bitter divisions and mutual suspicions, which dominate our political and intellectual life? Why we pretend as if our problem is originated from somewhere, while we, ourselves is the real problem? To me this is really an attempt to prove that black is white and an excuse to escape from the existing reality. Personally, I want to hear how the opposition leaders intend to solve our problems in the country than cursing Weyane at this moment.
4. The truth is that in practice the opposition is working for the government by spewing full of venom-hate politics. Besides, the government deliberately engages them in wasteful and irrelevant issues so as to divert their attention from the main agenda of the people. And still there is no any sign that opposition camp will come out from this unfortunate and unnecessary passage.
5. The truth is the intent of opposition group to remove the current administration by force and replace by unknown one creates a negative impact on the people’s struggle for peaceful transformation. I think that kind of act is a path to destruction and we have a good lesson from the past. The military government replaced the emperor and then EPRDF replaced the Dergue government, but our social problem remains on the same scale, even deteriorated from time to time. WHY??? I think the solution we are looking is not in the field of replacing the current administration by any means. Our focus and effort must be diverted to another untried direction-political reconciliation.
Our past experience has shown us that the old political organizations cannot deliver what the country and Ethiopian people are looking for. We are watching these political organizations for many years only to blossom, not to bear fruit. So we like seeing them to relinquish the leadership role they have in their hands to the new generation and the young ones can do it in a better and civilized way. They should stop the rubbish mentality "if we did not do it, things must go astray". If you cannot deliver what is expected, do not be a standing wall to those who march to do it with determination and good sprit. The best thing you can do is to stand behind the young ones to fill the gap in terms of feeding what you know and sharing your experience at a time you are needed to fulfill the mission you have started already. Truly I say to you if you do what I said earlier, your legacy will be great in history and your act will be praised forever.
My message to the opposition group is that our people judge you not by your selfish ambition to come to power, but by the noble thing you do for your country and your people. So come to your sense and examine how much you have traveled and toiled for nothing so far and change the course of the struggle so as to produce the right result.
Lastly, I heard repeatedly from many members of opposition group saying the new American administration will have a substantial impact on the policy of the Ethiopian government. This assumption is tantamount to ignoring the fact to see what American policy means. We know that the US policy is founded based on the national interest of the country. So having a faith on a foreign power to deliver us what we need is regrettable and untenable. Our history does not teach us the way we are trying to do. We are independent and we know the taste of freedom and our history demonstrates that we are the only people who remained the masters of our affairs in our beloved homeland while others were living under the yoke of colonialism
What is to be done?
Change is required. Our social problems are complex and shot through many contending tendencies and contradictions. Therefore, to mend the sad political tradition of the country, first we need a real change upon ourselves, and then that change can be a medicine to cure the chronic disease that is afflicting us for many decades. In other words, before we try departing the burden from the shoulder of the people, we have to mold first ourselves so as to fit to what it takes to make happened the change we are yearning for many years. Then many hands and brains can work together for one goal-to save Ethiopia.
Real change can be achieved only if we ignore the trivial and march on toward human noble ideals. The change we are looking for should bring a fresh thinking and collective spirit among Ethiopians and should provide a base for hope:
The change we are seeking should bring unity and harmony in the country, not havoc and division among us, which is a road to Samson destruction-mutual destruction.
The change we are looking should bring a political reconciliation among different political groups, not more feud and rivalry, which is altogether useless
The change we are looking should usher a new era, not more gloomy prospects, which is the enemy of our future and the very existence of the country.
Who does not yearn for the day when our problems will be a thing of past? How ever, the problem is the hate politics bug infects us and inflicted us to go off track. So we need to alter the course of this event and move to a happy beginning for our people who desire to live and thrive in a better Ethiopia.
The reason we are suffering is not because we have no medicine in our hands, but because we choose not to swallow it. If we have the willing and the courage, the first and for most we can do is emancipating ourselves from being a slave of old tenets and develop a willing to move from the comfort zone we are dwelling now and face the inevitable struggle for the better destiny of the country. As I said earlier, I am always in favor of a political reconciliation among the opposition group because that’s the only tool we have to overcome the monumental challenges we are facing now. To implement this, we need some one (“Tiliq Saw”) who can go with this mantra selflessly to dry the wells of all political cynicism that is surfaced within us for many years.
Before I finish, Ethiopia’s present need is not havoc but restoration and allow the opportunity not fall again from our hands.
May God bless Ethiopia!
May long live the unity of Ethiopia!
---
The writer can be reached at hailehaw@yahoo.com.
I am tired of hearing the same and outdated political view, which made us before scattered like sheep that has no shepherd and strove after wind from the so called political leaders. When do we open our eyes and minds to recognize what went wrong and fix our mistakes? When do we stop the insanity (i.e. doing the same thing repeatedly and expect different result) running in our society and come to our sanity so as to change Ethiopia and ourselves? Are not we ashamed of living in a mass misery in 21st century? Can’t we listen silently to the mockeries (i.e. incapable of feeding ourselves in 21st century) of our enemies? By the way, if we cannot help ourselves, who will help us?
Why do we fail repeatedly?
As an Ethiopian, I always ask my self as to why we become a captive of backwardness, political insanity and other social problems for many years and still bound to suffer? What holds us from coming together and move the country to a better destiny? Why all our attempts succumb to failure, especially, in the past 3 decades? There is no simple answer for the above-mentioned questions and persistent social problems of the country. However, there are some visible reasons for the social instability and incessant sad events of the country:
1. The lack of compatibility between what we like ideally and what we can really accomplish based on the skill and knowledge we possess to make happened the desired result. In other words, we fail to figure out how to move from the old system to a new one while keeping the unity of the country intact. In our past journey, our educated people failed us to come with a bold and visionary response and slacken to look deeply for the secret what makes Ethiopia and what holds Ethiopians together as people for centuries.
2. The lack of profound knowledge what to do exactly in the country. That means we could not differentiate what is truly right from what appears to be right. We simply rushed to adopt the language and replicate the style of movements or governments with which they really have nothing in common to our way of life. In other words, we did not look a solution for our problems from the sea of our traditional values and culture. That means we ignore who we are and look an answer from alien ideology that cause us go astray and drive wedges between us. I hope our intellectuals will raise this issue in near future in large and throw a light about the impact of ignoring our culture and traditional values.
3. The last one is the personal cynical political ambition of political leaders-they put their personal interest above the imperative needs of the people.
I believe from combination of all the said reasons we can say that almost all the errors of our political behavior have emanated. Nothing illustrates this truth better than the unworkable political behavior we have adopted toward our solutions problem. Click on 'Read More' for the rest.
On the current government of Ethiopia
The current administration policy is not agreeable to the heart of many Ethiopians because it ignores the common experience and value of Ethiopian people and promotes race differences. As the result, many Ethiopians started to doubt whether this government is standing for the unity and social progress of the country. The implementation of ethnic federalism, article 39 on the constitution that allows separation, its stand on the question of access to the red sea and lastly the way it handles the border issue between Ethiopia and Eritrea are considered by many of us as an assault on the unity of the country and strike at our pride. I strongly believe it is, to us, against nature for Ethiopians to live with out access to our natural border, the Red Sea.
Personally, I am always puzzled by the dangerous course of action of the government, whether it emanates from deliberate act or political naiveté. We know that every policy is framed based on national interest of a country. However, in our country the contrary is true. The policy introduced by the government becomes a base for our disarray and division rather than being for union. This shows the government’s lack of vision, which is the most important trait any leadership should have possessed for the best of the country.
At this time, the government has formulated and pursued policies it could not implement. It has neglected to practice policies, which might have succeeded. Thus, the government is forced to toil for vain because of its misguided policy. As the result our people are bounded to live in a constant misery.
My strong conviction is that, despite what ever is done in the past, still there is a room for all political organizations, including the government, to seat together and look for a solution and veer the wrong direction the country is heading now. We must leave all the past political insanity behind and follow the course of love and harmony. The government must open its door and give a chance to a political reconciliation. On the other hand, there must be a good willing from the opposition group to embrace the said solution if their love for the country is greater than their hate to the existing government. Then, we all Ethiopians can have a better chance to bring our country to revitalization and avert future calamities. I believe the only solution we have in our hand is sitting together and heal the past wounds and march on to our future dreams.
The unity of the country is on the brink of danger because of the government erroneous policy. It is not too late even now to reverse this dangerous policy if there is a good willing on the part of the ruling party. Please do not discolor the huge sacrifice that is paid by our fathers to keep the unity and freedom of the country we are enjoying now. We judge you [the current government] not by your ability to stay in power through convoluted means, but by what you do genuinely for the sake of the country. Thus, may Lord bestow you courage and good heart to abandon the lethal act you practicing for 18 years and seek the right path for the country.
On the opposition group of Ethiopia
My critic goes heavily to the opposition group for not choosing their course wisely and lengthening the life of the undemocratic practice of the existing administration. My wish is always to see a better government in terms of guarding our unity, protecting our national interest and changing the sad situation we are facing now.
I would like to enumerate the main downsides of the so-called opposition group:
1. The truth is the harsh sentiment that is developed among different political organizations during the last 3 decades becomes the main obstacle for the creation of strong political organization that can handle the existing and future problems of the country. In other words, the methods and slogans of the opposition group have not only poisoned the relation between them but also blinded them to see the real problems of the country. They spend their golden time in envying and hindering each other. And yet, the dreary thing is, there is no hope to avoid this ill will in the future with in the coalition of the opposition group for the sake of the country.
2. The truth is the opposition leaders are not selfless and determine to achieve the desired result of the Ethiopian people. They simply standup when they feel there is a suitable condition that goes with their interest, but vanish when that event succumb to produce what is expected. If that is the reality, I think it is our duty to tell them to desist their hands from being the vanguard of the Ethiopian people struggle.
3. The truth is the habit we are witnessing in the opposition camp is to paint Weyane as the source of all tribulations in the country at this time. To me this is a coward practice. Well, Weyane has its downsides & indeed implemented unnecessary and even dangerous policy that may dilute the Ethiopianness sentiment of the people. But still I cannot call Weyane the source of all turbulent we have now. I think the root cause is originated from all of us-from the way we think and try to implement. Why do not we pay an attention to the bitter divisions and mutual suspicions, which dominate our political and intellectual life? Why we pretend as if our problem is originated from somewhere, while we, ourselves is the real problem? To me this is really an attempt to prove that black is white and an excuse to escape from the existing reality. Personally, I want to hear how the opposition leaders intend to solve our problems in the country than cursing Weyane at this moment.
4. The truth is that in practice the opposition is working for the government by spewing full of venom-hate politics. Besides, the government deliberately engages them in wasteful and irrelevant issues so as to divert their attention from the main agenda of the people. And still there is no any sign that opposition camp will come out from this unfortunate and unnecessary passage.
5. The truth is the intent of opposition group to remove the current administration by force and replace by unknown one creates a negative impact on the people’s struggle for peaceful transformation. I think that kind of act is a path to destruction and we have a good lesson from the past. The military government replaced the emperor and then EPRDF replaced the Dergue government, but our social problem remains on the same scale, even deteriorated from time to time. WHY??? I think the solution we are looking is not in the field of replacing the current administration by any means. Our focus and effort must be diverted to another untried direction-political reconciliation.
Our past experience has shown us that the old political organizations cannot deliver what the country and Ethiopian people are looking for. We are watching these political organizations for many years only to blossom, not to bear fruit. So we like seeing them to relinquish the leadership role they have in their hands to the new generation and the young ones can do it in a better and civilized way. They should stop the rubbish mentality "if we did not do it, things must go astray". If you cannot deliver what is expected, do not be a standing wall to those who march to do it with determination and good sprit. The best thing you can do is to stand behind the young ones to fill the gap in terms of feeding what you know and sharing your experience at a time you are needed to fulfill the mission you have started already. Truly I say to you if you do what I said earlier, your legacy will be great in history and your act will be praised forever.
My message to the opposition group is that our people judge you not by your selfish ambition to come to power, but by the noble thing you do for your country and your people. So come to your sense and examine how much you have traveled and toiled for nothing so far and change the course of the struggle so as to produce the right result.
Lastly, I heard repeatedly from many members of opposition group saying the new American administration will have a substantial impact on the policy of the Ethiopian government. This assumption is tantamount to ignoring the fact to see what American policy means. We know that the US policy is founded based on the national interest of the country. So having a faith on a foreign power to deliver us what we need is regrettable and untenable. Our history does not teach us the way we are trying to do. We are independent and we know the taste of freedom and our history demonstrates that we are the only people who remained the masters of our affairs in our beloved homeland while others were living under the yoke of colonialism
What is to be done?
Change is required. Our social problems are complex and shot through many contending tendencies and contradictions. Therefore, to mend the sad political tradition of the country, first we need a real change upon ourselves, and then that change can be a medicine to cure the chronic disease that is afflicting us for many decades. In other words, before we try departing the burden from the shoulder of the people, we have to mold first ourselves so as to fit to what it takes to make happened the change we are yearning for many years. Then many hands and brains can work together for one goal-to save Ethiopia.
Real change can be achieved only if we ignore the trivial and march on toward human noble ideals. The change we are looking for should bring a fresh thinking and collective spirit among Ethiopians and should provide a base for hope:
The change we are seeking should bring unity and harmony in the country, not havoc and division among us, which is a road to Samson destruction-mutual destruction.
The change we are looking should bring a political reconciliation among different political groups, not more feud and rivalry, which is altogether useless
The change we are looking should usher a new era, not more gloomy prospects, which is the enemy of our future and the very existence of the country.
Who does not yearn for the day when our problems will be a thing of past? How ever, the problem is the hate politics bug infects us and inflicted us to go off track. So we need to alter the course of this event and move to a happy beginning for our people who desire to live and thrive in a better Ethiopia.
The reason we are suffering is not because we have no medicine in our hands, but because we choose not to swallow it. If we have the willing and the courage, the first and for most we can do is emancipating ourselves from being a slave of old tenets and develop a willing to move from the comfort zone we are dwelling now and face the inevitable struggle for the better destiny of the country. As I said earlier, I am always in favor of a political reconciliation among the opposition group because that’s the only tool we have to overcome the monumental challenges we are facing now. To implement this, we need some one (“Tiliq Saw”) who can go with this mantra selflessly to dry the wells of all political cynicism that is surfaced within us for many years.
Before I finish, Ethiopia’s present need is not havoc but restoration and allow the opportunity not fall again from our hands.
May God bless Ethiopia!
May long live the unity of Ethiopia!
---
The writer can be reached at hailehaw@yahoo.com.
Monday, February 16, 2009
WHAT IS THE GOOD OF THIS JUDGEMENT?
(Ethiopian News and Views) Note - This article uses the early Christian experience in the Roman Empire as a device to illustrate aspects of the conflict between the TPLF/EPRDF and the new Ethiopian revolution of 2005. However, it does not rely on specific Christian theology. In fact for 'Christian' one could substitute a religion-neutral ethical philosophy such as humanism.
What is the good of this judgement?
In about 150 AD, a Christian named Ptolemy counseled a woman who had been dragged into various perversions by her husband. She became a Christian and began to live an upright and honest life. Her angry husband reacted by suing Ptolemy. When the case came to the Roman court, the Roman judge asked only one question. Was Ptolemy a Christian? When he answered that he was, the Roman judge immediately sentenced him to death.
Hearing this, a man in the courtroom named Lucias challenged the judge:
What is the good of this judgment? Why have you punished this man, not as an adulterer, nor a fornicator, nor thief, nor robber, nor convicted of any crime at all, but one who has confessed that he is called by the name of Christian?
Justin Martyr, 150 AD. Second Apology Letter written to the Roman Senate
The judge replied only, "You also seem to be one." And when Lucias said "Indeed I am", the judge condemned him - and a second protester in the audience - to follow Ptolemy to death. (A few years after writing this appeal to the Roman Senate, Justin himself was denounced as a Christian and executed in Rome).
Did Birtukan Mideksa kill anyone? Did she bash anyone in the head with a gun? Did she engage in corrupt activities? Did she take bribes? Did she encourage violence? Did she commit ballot fraud? Did she promote ethnic hatred?
Click on 'Read More' for full text.
On the contrary. She counseled peace and restraint. She advocated reconciliation and calm. She rejected violence. She was a beacon of impartiality during her brief career as a judge. Is such a person a danger to the people of Addis Abeba? Oromia? Tigray? Can the people of Ethiopia sleep easier at night now that this dangerous person has been put in a cage and will never be let out?
Why Fill Jails With Honest, Upright People?
Why fill the jails with good people? This was the question that troubled Pliny the Younger, a Roman governor of the province of Bithynia on the Black Sea during 111-113 AD. Pliny had been sent out from Rome and had never encountered Christians before. He knew the general rule: anyone who did not worship the Roman gods, and the Emperor, in particular was liable to be executed.
Pliny investigated the local Christian community but after torturing two Christian slave girls he found nothing more dangerous than what he called 'superstition':
Excerpt of letter from Pliny to Emperor Trajan:
They [the Christians] asserted, however, that the sum and substance of their fault or error had been that they were accustomed to meet on a fixed day before dawn and sing responsively a hymn to Christ as to a god, and to bind themselves by oath, not to some crime, but not to commit fraud, theft, or adultery, not falsify their trust, nor to refuse to return a trust when called upon to do so. When this was over, it was their custom to depart and to assemble again to partake of food--but ordinary and innocent food. Even this, they affirmed, they had ceased to do after my edict by which, in accordance with your instructions, I had forbidden political associations. Accordingly, I judged it all the more necessary to find out what the truth was by torturing two female slaves who were called deaconesses. But I discovered nothing else but depraved, excessive superstition.
I therefore postponed the investigation and hastened to consult you.
Pliny's Letter to Emperor Trajan (reigned. 98-117 AD)
Two aspects of the Christian experience in the Roman Empire lend themselves to analysis of the political struggles against totalitarian regimes in the 20th and 21st centuries, and help explain why unjust regimes fill their jails with good people:
-- 1) The boundaries of state power
-- 2) Radical asymmetrical challenges to state power
The Boundaries of State Power
The 1974 Ethiopian revolution removed the land-based aristocracy and left a huge gap in the social structure of Ethiopian society. This gap should have been left to the people to spontaneously organize their own structures and associations for self-government. Instead within a few years, the Derg created new, extensive structures of top-down control that penetrated far deeper into society than ever before. Tens of thousands of political cadres and other bureaucrats now occupied the place previously held by the aristocracy. State power arrived at the doorstep of every Ethiopian and invaded their daily lives. The state inserted rituals of submission into normal acts of everyday life.
In 1991, the TPLF/EPRDF rolled back some of these Derg structures, but in the wake of the 2005 election, these Derg networks have been recreated. Politically-controlled mass associations (youth, women, peasants, urban residents etc... are being organized into tools for extending the boundaries of TPLF/EPRDF power to the level of the individual household. Business groups can no longer form associations like elsewhere in the world - the TPLF/EPRDF passed a law requiring them to reorganize and include government-controlled "sectoral associations." Microcredit institutions derived from the non-governmental Grameen Bank model of Bangladesh, are dominated in Ethiopia by party-affiliated institutions. Many other examples could be cited.
The extension of these politicized networks vastly expands the arena for conflict between the people and the TPLF/EPRDF. Normal, everyday activities now become symbolic of either submission or resistance.
The Christians of the first few centuries were explicitly non-political. Yet just by trying to live their peaceful religion, they came into conflict with the Roman state because the Roman state had chosen to invade the arena of religion and put down markers of Roman supremacy in the religious lives of the people.
In the same way, the TPLF/EPRDF is generating challenges. Its extension of Derg-like networks is self-destructive in that it forces people to resist. As the boundaries of the state are pushed deeper into the everyday public life of the people, "the aims of the system begin to generate conflict with the aims of life" (paraphrasing Vaclav Havel).
Humans are social animals. One of the aims of life for humans is to freely engage in associations with each other for various purposes. This is now highly constrained in Ethiopia. Any association of Ethiopians will quickly bump against markers of TPLF/EPRDF control. At these intersections the state demands submission. Some will resist. Some of these resistors, by chance or by a conversion of events, become symbols of the larger conflict. Birtukan Mideksa is one of these.
What is this larger conflict? The example of the early Christians provides a way of looking at the deeper Ethiopian revolution of which the TPLF/EPRDF and Birtukan Mideksa are only an outward manifestation.
Radical Asymmetrical Challenges to the State
Characteristics of TPLF/EPRDF rule are force, top-down control, propaganda, glorification of the state, and an end-justifies-the-means morality. When identifying these characteristics, however, it is important to recognize that they are wrapped within a cohesive ideology, variously referred to as "hibretesebawinett" or "abiyotawi demokrasi" or "the developmental state". This ideology has deep meaning and is persuasive to many, but it is a false consciousness.
As an example of what these TPLF/EPRDF characteristics mean in practical terms, we can review what happened in the remote Omo Valley in 1999:
Several speakers alluded to the tactics of 'exemplary terror' that had been employed in recent years by the EPRDF's 'Rapid Response Force', against neighbouring groups whose members were accused of raiding highland villages for cattle and grain. If a man was seen carrying a rifle, for example, he would be told to stop and place his rifle on the ground. He would then be shot dead, even if he was accompanied by a woman or child, and the rifle left lying across the corpse. In mid-1999 an elaborate subterfuge was used in a co-ordinated operation against groups living north of the Mursi, on both sides of the Omo. Two camps were established, one to the east and one to the west of the Omo and the local people were encouraged to bring milk and honey to sell to the troops. The next day, after a number of people had gathered with these items, they were shot down in a hail of bullets, the same action being taken simultaneously in both locations, by means of radio communication.
- The Politician, the Priest and the Anthropologist: Living Beyond Conflict in Southwestern Ethiopia - David Turton, 2002
As a disciplined, top-down party organized on the Leninist model, the "exemplary terror" that the TPLF/EPRDF conducted in the Omo valley could only have been authorized from the top. It is strange then to hear these TPLF/EPRDF leaders talk about rule of the law and human rights. In reality what this episode demonstrates is that there is no rule of law - only rule of TPLF/EPRDF.
"Rule of TPLF/EPRDF" means large-scale brute force campaigns for outlying areas such as the Omo River Valley, Gambella, and the Ogaden. The TPLF/EPRDF is quite willing and capable of using force in an unscupulous and morally reprehensible manner. But An Ogaden-style campaign in Addis Abeba would cost the government its vital foreign aid subsidy, and would lead to harsh economic sanctions (e.g. Darfur and Sudan) that would threaten the viability of the TPLF/EPRDF. Instead in Addis Abeba, aside from the 2005 killings (which did cost the TPLF/EPRDF financially), we have imprisonment of targeted individuals.
The Romans had forbidden political associations, but the Christians did not have a political program. Their religion posed a political challenge to Rome because the Romans had decided to politicize religion by making the conquered peoples of the empire worship their gods. One of the most important gods was the Roman emperor.
But the challenge of the Christians went far beyond their refusal to publicly worship Roman gods. The values the Christians promoted and their egalitarian way of life was a radical contrast and challenge to the heirarchical, patrimonial, slave-holding Roman society.
By contrast the TPLF/EPRDF allows political associations, but only if these associations remain too weak to implement a political program.
The following table provides a contrast between the features of the TPLF/EPRDF and the potential of the May 15 2005 Ethiopian citizen's revolution, which was interrupted by a what essentially amounts to a coup-de-etat led by Meles Zenawi on May 16.
Derg and TPLF/EPRDF 1974-2005
dominance
top-down
armed force
propaganda
insignificance of individual humans
end justifies means
What is the Ethiopian citizen's revolution of 2005? Simply put, it is a social movement that has no other legitimacy than the expressed will of the people. It is a social movement that has the potential to transform Ethiopia and create a permanent change in the way government relates to the people. It is a social movement that can remove the intractable roadblocks to 'development'.
Political self-organization is only one aspect of this revolution, which is necessarily influenced by, and tied to historical and global human movements that have changed the face of the rest of the world. The book: Blessed Unrest: How the largest social movement in history is restoring grace, justice, and beauty to the world, provides a glimpse of the global aspect of this movement. The common denominator in these movements is that they are not led by vanguardist-type ideologies and are not created by governments. They are grassroots movements of the people and because they are close to the people, their values reflect the common, decent human values listed in the above table.
Of course, the above reflects our hopes and the potential outcomes, but Birtukan Mideksa is a symbol of those hopes and that potential for a truly radical Ethiopian revolution.
Conclusion
In 64 AD, the great fire of Rome destroyed a large section of the city. Emperor Nero is widely suspected of setting the fire, although no conclusive proof is available. After the fire, Emperor Nero 'developed' the burned areas (which were previously 'slums' that blocked the expansion of the Emperors palace complex), creating planned, attractive buildings some of which are still visible today.
Emperor Nero blamed the fire on the Christian community. Based on this false accusation, most were rounded up and executed or torn apart by beasts or gladiators. The apostle Paul (sent to Rome as a prisoner two years earlier), and Peter, were among those killed. We have no details on what happened - basically all the Christians were killed and there was no one left to write the story. Yet Christianity did not die. The Roman Empire and its worst excesses are either gone (e.g. slavery) or fading fast from human life. The revolution of Paul and Peter continues to reverberate through human consciousness, and though much abused by usurpers, continues to be an inspiration for social justice,
The Ethiopian revolution of 2005 is aligned with the great, liberating human social movements of our era. Contrasted against this, the TPLF/EPRDF is a reactionary organization, dependent on force, and exhibiting a historical solidarity with all the oppressive structures that have preceded it in Ethiopian history.
Birtukan Mideksa is one symbol of this new revolution. Imprisoning her based on false accusations will do little to stop the revolution (in fact it is her accuser, Meles Zenawi who used force to overthrow the expressed will of the people). Her liberation will be a symbol for the liberation of the Ethiopian people and the success of their new revolution.
What is the good of this judgement?
In about 150 AD, a Christian named Ptolemy counseled a woman who had been dragged into various perversions by her husband. She became a Christian and began to live an upright and honest life. Her angry husband reacted by suing Ptolemy. When the case came to the Roman court, the Roman judge asked only one question. Was Ptolemy a Christian? When he answered that he was, the Roman judge immediately sentenced him to death.
Hearing this, a man in the courtroom named Lucias challenged the judge:
What is the good of this judgment? Why have you punished this man, not as an adulterer, nor a fornicator, nor thief, nor robber, nor convicted of any crime at all, but one who has confessed that he is called by the name of Christian?
Justin Martyr, 150 AD. Second Apology Letter written to the Roman Senate
The judge replied only, "You also seem to be one." And when Lucias said "Indeed I am", the judge condemned him - and a second protester in the audience - to follow Ptolemy to death. (A few years after writing this appeal to the Roman Senate, Justin himself was denounced as a Christian and executed in Rome).
Did Birtukan Mideksa kill anyone? Did she bash anyone in the head with a gun? Did she engage in corrupt activities? Did she take bribes? Did she encourage violence? Did she commit ballot fraud? Did she promote ethnic hatred?
Click on 'Read More' for full text.
On the contrary. She counseled peace and restraint. She advocated reconciliation and calm. She rejected violence. She was a beacon of impartiality during her brief career as a judge. Is such a person a danger to the people of Addis Abeba? Oromia? Tigray? Can the people of Ethiopia sleep easier at night now that this dangerous person has been put in a cage and will never be let out?
Why Fill Jails With Honest, Upright People?
Why fill the jails with good people? This was the question that troubled Pliny the Younger, a Roman governor of the province of Bithynia on the Black Sea during 111-113 AD. Pliny had been sent out from Rome and had never encountered Christians before. He knew the general rule: anyone who did not worship the Roman gods, and the Emperor, in particular was liable to be executed.
Pliny investigated the local Christian community but after torturing two Christian slave girls he found nothing more dangerous than what he called 'superstition':
Excerpt of letter from Pliny to Emperor Trajan:
They [the Christians] asserted, however, that the sum and substance of their fault or error had been that they were accustomed to meet on a fixed day before dawn and sing responsively a hymn to Christ as to a god, and to bind themselves by oath, not to some crime, but not to commit fraud, theft, or adultery, not falsify their trust, nor to refuse to return a trust when called upon to do so. When this was over, it was their custom to depart and to assemble again to partake of food--but ordinary and innocent food. Even this, they affirmed, they had ceased to do after my edict by which, in accordance with your instructions, I had forbidden political associations. Accordingly, I judged it all the more necessary to find out what the truth was by torturing two female slaves who were called deaconesses. But I discovered nothing else but depraved, excessive superstition.
I therefore postponed the investigation and hastened to consult you.
Pliny's Letter to Emperor Trajan (reigned. 98-117 AD)
Two aspects of the Christian experience in the Roman Empire lend themselves to analysis of the political struggles against totalitarian regimes in the 20th and 21st centuries, and help explain why unjust regimes fill their jails with good people:
-- 1) The boundaries of state power
-- 2) Radical asymmetrical challenges to state power
The Boundaries of State Power
The 1974 Ethiopian revolution removed the land-based aristocracy and left a huge gap in the social structure of Ethiopian society. This gap should have been left to the people to spontaneously organize their own structures and associations for self-government. Instead within a few years, the Derg created new, extensive structures of top-down control that penetrated far deeper into society than ever before. Tens of thousands of political cadres and other bureaucrats now occupied the place previously held by the aristocracy. State power arrived at the doorstep of every Ethiopian and invaded their daily lives. The state inserted rituals of submission into normal acts of everyday life.
In 1991, the TPLF/EPRDF rolled back some of these Derg structures, but in the wake of the 2005 election, these Derg networks have been recreated. Politically-controlled mass associations (youth, women, peasants, urban residents etc... are being organized into tools for extending the boundaries of TPLF/EPRDF power to the level of the individual household. Business groups can no longer form associations like elsewhere in the world - the TPLF/EPRDF passed a law requiring them to reorganize and include government-controlled "sectoral associations." Microcredit institutions derived from the non-governmental Grameen Bank model of Bangladesh, are dominated in Ethiopia by party-affiliated institutions. Many other examples could be cited.
The extension of these politicized networks vastly expands the arena for conflict between the people and the TPLF/EPRDF. Normal, everyday activities now become symbolic of either submission or resistance.
The Christians of the first few centuries were explicitly non-political. Yet just by trying to live their peaceful religion, they came into conflict with the Roman state because the Roman state had chosen to invade the arena of religion and put down markers of Roman supremacy in the religious lives of the people.
In the same way, the TPLF/EPRDF is generating challenges. Its extension of Derg-like networks is self-destructive in that it forces people to resist. As the boundaries of the state are pushed deeper into the everyday public life of the people, "the aims of the system begin to generate conflict with the aims of life" (paraphrasing Vaclav Havel).
Humans are social animals. One of the aims of life for humans is to freely engage in associations with each other for various purposes. This is now highly constrained in Ethiopia. Any association of Ethiopians will quickly bump against markers of TPLF/EPRDF control. At these intersections the state demands submission. Some will resist. Some of these resistors, by chance or by a conversion of events, become symbols of the larger conflict. Birtukan Mideksa is one of these.
What is this larger conflict? The example of the early Christians provides a way of looking at the deeper Ethiopian revolution of which the TPLF/EPRDF and Birtukan Mideksa are only an outward manifestation.
Radical Asymmetrical Challenges to the State
Characteristics of TPLF/EPRDF rule are force, top-down control, propaganda, glorification of the state, and an end-justifies-the-means morality. When identifying these characteristics, however, it is important to recognize that they are wrapped within a cohesive ideology, variously referred to as "hibretesebawinett" or "abiyotawi demokrasi" or "the developmental state". This ideology has deep meaning and is persuasive to many, but it is a false consciousness.
As an example of what these TPLF/EPRDF characteristics mean in practical terms, we can review what happened in the remote Omo Valley in 1999:
Several speakers alluded to the tactics of 'exemplary terror' that had been employed in recent years by the EPRDF's 'Rapid Response Force', against neighbouring groups whose members were accused of raiding highland villages for cattle and grain. If a man was seen carrying a rifle, for example, he would be told to stop and place his rifle on the ground. He would then be shot dead, even if he was accompanied by a woman or child, and the rifle left lying across the corpse. In mid-1999 an elaborate subterfuge was used in a co-ordinated operation against groups living north of the Mursi, on both sides of the Omo. Two camps were established, one to the east and one to the west of the Omo and the local people were encouraged to bring milk and honey to sell to the troops. The next day, after a number of people had gathered with these items, they were shot down in a hail of bullets, the same action being taken simultaneously in both locations, by means of radio communication.
- The Politician, the Priest and the Anthropologist: Living Beyond Conflict in Southwestern Ethiopia - David Turton, 2002
As a disciplined, top-down party organized on the Leninist model, the "exemplary terror" that the TPLF/EPRDF conducted in the Omo valley could only have been authorized from the top. It is strange then to hear these TPLF/EPRDF leaders talk about rule of the law and human rights. In reality what this episode demonstrates is that there is no rule of law - only rule of TPLF/EPRDF.
"Rule of TPLF/EPRDF" means large-scale brute force campaigns for outlying areas such as the Omo River Valley, Gambella, and the Ogaden. The TPLF/EPRDF is quite willing and capable of using force in an unscupulous and morally reprehensible manner. But An Ogaden-style campaign in Addis Abeba would cost the government its vital foreign aid subsidy, and would lead to harsh economic sanctions (e.g. Darfur and Sudan) that would threaten the viability of the TPLF/EPRDF. Instead in Addis Abeba, aside from the 2005 killings (which did cost the TPLF/EPRDF financially), we have imprisonment of targeted individuals.
The Romans had forbidden political associations, but the Christians did not have a political program. Their religion posed a political challenge to Rome because the Romans had decided to politicize religion by making the conquered peoples of the empire worship their gods. One of the most important gods was the Roman emperor.
But the challenge of the Christians went far beyond their refusal to publicly worship Roman gods. The values the Christians promoted and their egalitarian way of life was a radical contrast and challenge to the heirarchical, patrimonial, slave-holding Roman society.
By contrast the TPLF/EPRDF allows political associations, but only if these associations remain too weak to implement a political program.
The following table provides a contrast between the features of the TPLF/EPRDF and the potential of the May 15 2005 Ethiopian citizen's revolution, which was interrupted by a what essentially amounts to a coup-de-etat led by Meles Zenawi on May 16.
Derg and TPLF/EPRDF 1974-2005
dominance
top-down
armed force
propaganda
insignificance of individual humans
end justifies means
Ethiopian citizen revolution, 2005-
equality
grassroots
moral force
truth/dialogue
dignity of each individual human
means determine the end
What is the Ethiopian citizen's revolution of 2005? Simply put, it is a social movement that has no other legitimacy than the expressed will of the people. It is a social movement that has the potential to transform Ethiopia and create a permanent change in the way government relates to the people. It is a social movement that can remove the intractable roadblocks to 'development'.
Political self-organization is only one aspect of this revolution, which is necessarily influenced by, and tied to historical and global human movements that have changed the face of the rest of the world. The book: Blessed Unrest: How the largest social movement in history is restoring grace, justice, and beauty to the world, provides a glimpse of the global aspect of this movement. The common denominator in these movements is that they are not led by vanguardist-type ideologies and are not created by governments. They are grassroots movements of the people and because they are close to the people, their values reflect the common, decent human values listed in the above table.
Of course, the above reflects our hopes and the potential outcomes, but Birtukan Mideksa is a symbol of those hopes and that potential for a truly radical Ethiopian revolution.
Conclusion
In 64 AD, the great fire of Rome destroyed a large section of the city. Emperor Nero is widely suspected of setting the fire, although no conclusive proof is available. After the fire, Emperor Nero 'developed' the burned areas (which were previously 'slums' that blocked the expansion of the Emperors palace complex), creating planned, attractive buildings some of which are still visible today.
Emperor Nero blamed the fire on the Christian community. Based on this false accusation, most were rounded up and executed or torn apart by beasts or gladiators. The apostle Paul (sent to Rome as a prisoner two years earlier), and Peter, were among those killed. We have no details on what happened - basically all the Christians were killed and there was no one left to write the story. Yet Christianity did not die. The Roman Empire and its worst excesses are either gone (e.g. slavery) or fading fast from human life. The revolution of Paul and Peter continues to reverberate through human consciousness, and though much abused by usurpers, continues to be an inspiration for social justice,
The Ethiopian revolution of 2005 is aligned with the great, liberating human social movements of our era. Contrasted against this, the TPLF/EPRDF is a reactionary organization, dependent on force, and exhibiting a historical solidarity with all the oppressive structures that have preceded it in Ethiopian history.
Birtukan Mideksa is one symbol of this new revolution. Imprisoning her based on false accusations will do little to stop the revolution (in fact it is her accuser, Meles Zenawi who used force to overthrow the expressed will of the people). Her liberation will be a symbol for the liberation of the Ethiopian people and the success of their new revolution.
Growing number of British men joining Islamic radicals in Somalia
The Daily Telegraph A 21-year-old student from Ealing, West London has blown himself up as a suicide bomber in the war-torn country in the first reported incident of its kind.
Jonathan Evans, the head of MI5, voiced his concerns over increasing numbers of young men travelling to the East African country in an interview with the Daily Telegraph last month.
He talked of "networks that help individuals go and take part or provide support to extremist gangs in Somalia" and may return to attack Britain.
Michael Hayden, the outgoing head of the CIA, has said that the Ethiopian invasion of Somalia has "catalysed" expatriates around the world.
An audio message from Osama bin Laden last month urged Muslims to send money or go to Somalia to fight.
The student abandoned a course in business studies at Oxford Brookes University to join up with al-Shabaab [the Youth], an Islamic militia fighting the Somali government, according to Channel 4 news.
He crossed the border from Kenya and blew himself up at a checkpoint in the southern town of Baidoa in October 2007.
Ali Mohamed Ghedi, the Somali Prime Minister was staying at a hotel nearby and escaped unharmed but jihadi websites claimed that 20 Ethiopian soldiers were killed.
The man left a suicide video in which he said: "Oh my people, know that I am doing this martyrdom operation for the sake Allah.
"I advise you to migrate to Somalia and wage war against your enemies. Death in honour is better than life in humiliation."
Sheikh Ahmed Aabi, a moderate Somali leader in north London, said he knew of the case and had heard of other young men travelling to Somalia to join radical groups.
"I'm hearing it from parents," he said. "They say [their children] are joining the jihad. I am hearing there are a lot of people.
"This is a big problem facing our community."
Peter Neumann, a terrorism expert at King's College London, said: "The numbers I hear [going from Britain to Somalia] are 50, 60, or 70 but in reality we don't know.
"You don't need big numbers for terrorism. Somalia will never become another Pakistan but that does not mean it is not a threat."
One young man outside a west London mosque was adamant it was his right to go to Somalia to fight.
He said: "If American troops can go from Arizona to Iraq then someone can leave this area and go to Somalia."
While travel to and from Pakistan remains the major concern for the security services, Britain is also home to the largest Somali community in Europe, estimated at over 100,000.
Two of the failed July 21 bombers, Yassin Omar and Ramzi Mohammed, arrived in Britain from Somalia as refugees although they were radicalised after their arrival.
Ethiopian troops invaded in December 2006 to oust a government formed by the Islamic Courts Union and withdrew only last month.
Al-Shabaab, designated as a terrorist group in the US, aims to introduce sharia law to Somalia and took control of Baidoa last month.
Ethiopia: Climate Change Taking Toll On Livestock in Southern Lowlands - Study
(Daily Monitor) Addis Ababa — Climate change-induced livestock diseases are causing more illness and death of livestock in southern lowlands of the country, a study conducted to assess the local level of impacts of climate change said.The study entitled: Climate Change-Induced Hazards, Impacts and Responses in Southern Ethiopia, carried out in the southern lowlands of Ethiopia's three selected zones- Borena, Guji and Omo Zones- in the Oromia SNNP regions said climatic change impacts on livelihoods particularly increased vulnerability to poverty and food insecurity as livestock possession of households during the past 20 years shows an overall decline.
In Borena zone, for instance, the average number of livestock per household declined from 10 oxen, 35 cows and 33 goats to 3 oxen, 7 cows and 6 goats, the study said.
The study also showed similar outcome in South Omo pastoralists as "the number of livestock decreased from 30 cows, 38 goats and 36 sheep to 21 cows, 23 goats and 21 sheep at present." "Tick and skin diseases on camels, cattle, goats and sheep as increasingly becoming common problems during severe droughts, the study found out, adding even camels and goats, considered more resistant to drought, are affected by the newly prevailing diseases," the study pointed out.
The collaborative study undertaken by FSS (Forum for Social Studies) and Cordaid, indicated the declining in livestock productivity and reproduction is becoming the most serious risk households are facing today, exacerbated by shortage of health facilities and services and poor infrastructure.
The collaborative study undertaken by FSS (Forum for Social Studies) and Cordaid, indicated the declining in livestock productivity and reproduction is becoming the most serious risk households are facing today, exacerbated by shortage of health facilities and services and poor infrastructure.
The senior researcher Dr Aklilu Amsalu said over the past years, the incidence and distribution of diseases and pests has changed in the study area.
"Existing diseases known in the area are expanding and new types are emerging of which some types are not yet identified," he said, adding unidentified new diseases were also causing sudden death of camels and goats.
Loss of livestock assets has led to increased poverty and dependency on external food aid and non-food assistance, the study found out, adding dry seasons triggered conflicts among the inhabitants, due to recurrent droughts and resource scarcity, in the area are not new phenomena.
Survey results indicate that more than 44% of the households in South Omo and about one-fourth in Borena and Guji have suffered from conflict related raiding in the last five years (2004-2008).
In Borena zone, for instance, the average number of livestock per household declined from 10 oxen, 35 cows and 33 goats to 3 oxen, 7 cows and 6 goats, the study said.
The study also showed similar outcome in South Omo pastoralists as "the number of livestock decreased from 30 cows, 38 goats and 36 sheep to 21 cows, 23 goats and 21 sheep at present." "Tick and skin diseases on camels, cattle, goats and sheep as increasingly becoming common problems during severe droughts, the study found out, adding even camels and goats, considered more resistant to drought, are affected by the newly prevailing diseases," the study pointed out.
The collaborative study undertaken by FSS (Forum for Social Studies) and Cordaid, indicated the declining in livestock productivity and reproduction is becoming the most serious risk households are facing today, exacerbated by shortage of health facilities and services and poor infrastructure.
The collaborative study undertaken by FSS (Forum for Social Studies) and Cordaid, indicated the declining in livestock productivity and reproduction is becoming the most serious risk households are facing today, exacerbated by shortage of health facilities and services and poor infrastructure.
The senior researcher Dr Aklilu Amsalu said over the past years, the incidence and distribution of diseases and pests has changed in the study area.
"Existing diseases known in the area are expanding and new types are emerging of which some types are not yet identified," he said, adding unidentified new diseases were also causing sudden death of camels and goats.
Loss of livestock assets has led to increased poverty and dependency on external food aid and non-food assistance, the study found out, adding dry seasons triggered conflicts among the inhabitants, due to recurrent droughts and resource scarcity, in the area are not new phenomena.
Survey results indicate that more than 44% of the households in South Omo and about one-fourth in Borena and Guji have suffered from conflict related raiding in the last five years (2004-2008).
Sunday, February 15, 2009
AEUP grills charities, societies law in detail
(The Reporter)The All-Ethiopia Unity Party (AEUP), chaired by Engineer Hailu Shawel, came into the picture this week by calling upon the government to call off the recently enacted charities and societies proclamation or lift the limitation on resources that local NGOs receive from external sources, and also remove the four articles restricting the role assigned to foreign NGOs directly and local NGOs indirectly.
In its lengthy declaration on the charities and societies proclamation, the opposition party further called upon all governments, bilateral and multilateral organizations, rights groups, NGOs, community organizations, professional associations, workers unions, farmers unions, youth and women associations and the Ethiopian people at large to firmly continue opposing the law until the government repealed it or cancelled it.
AEUP said the proclamation by the government distinguished between foreign and local NGOs and redefined their mandates, presumably in the interest of the people’s social and economic development. The objective of the bill relating to registration and regulation of charities and societies as defined in the proclamation confirm this and AEUP had no objection that these be functions of government.
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In its lengthy declaration on the charities and societies proclamation, the opposition party further called upon all governments, bilateral and multilateral organizations, rights groups, NGOs, community organizations, professional associations, workers unions, farmers unions, youth and women associations and the Ethiopian people at large to firmly continue opposing the law until the government repealed it or cancelled it.
AEUP said the proclamation by the government distinguished between foreign and local NGOs and redefined their mandates, presumably in the interest of the people’s social and economic development. The objective of the bill relating to registration and regulation of charities and societies as defined in the proclamation confirm this and AEUP had no objection that these be functions of government.
Click here to read the rest.
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