Yohannes Anberbir, Capital
An agency to implement the hugely controversial Charities and Societies Proclamation was established last week.
The Office of the Prime Minister appointed Sirage Ali as director of the Charities and Societies Agency (CSA). He is one of the top members of the ruling party. He is also credited for his contribution in selecting the former caretaker administration of Addis Ababa.
The PM office also appointed Atkhelti Gedaye as deputy director.
Re-registering the existing civil society organizations and categorizing them as Ethiopian and foreign will be the first task of the agency as per the proclamation.
Every civil society organization (CSO) should re- register within one year.
According to the proclamation, the agency will enable and encourage CSOs to develop and achieve their purposes; has a duty to ensure CSO’s operations are transparent and accountable; and has a responsibility to ensure that they operate legally.
But CSOs currently operating in the country have criticized the power vested in the agency.
According to them, the proclamation allows it to interfere in the operation of civil society institutions. The agency may remove or suspend an officer if they are convicted of an offense involving dishonesty, fraud and turpitude.
CSOs are protesting, saying that the article allows an opportunity for the restriction of the right to organize and unwarranted interference in the internal affairs of the organizations.
If the agency applied this power to religious institutions, the implication is that the agency can remove, suspend or replace spiritual leaders.
Though CSOs have been vociferously opposing aspects of the law, the Government has not acceded to their demands.
Tuesday, June 16, 2009
Civil Society rejects AU stance
Statement by representatives of African civil society and the legal profession on the implications of the African Union's recent decisions on universal jurisdiction and the work of the International Criminal Court in Africa.
Read the rest here.
Read the rest here.
Wednesday, June 3, 2009
Ethiopia: Country Moves to Strengthen Anti-Terrorism Law Media Warner Not to Serve Terrorist Purposes
By Yonas Abiye, Daily Monitor
Addis Ababa — The Ethiopian government is working on draft law providing for a tougher punishment of individuals involved in terrorist activity.
To that effect, the Council of Ministers has submitted the draft law to the House of Peoples' Representatives (HPR) for endorsement. According to the Ministry of Government Communications Affairs, the new draft law gives officials more authority to prosecute crimes and inspect communication including interception of telephone and internet communications that are thought to endanger the country.
It also prohibits any involvement with suspected terrorist groups, including contacting them, preparing for a terror attack by collecting money, financing terrorist activities, among others.
The law also forces any one to cooperate with security personnels in delivering any information they may know of any terrorism acts being plotted by terrorists.
Moreover it states failing to cooperate is a criminal act by itself, punishable by the court.
National committees of anti-terrorism coordinating office comprised of Ministry of Justice, Central intelligence and Information Agency, and the Federal Police would be set up, once the draft law gets approved by the House, officials said.
"As Ethiopian is geographically located in the Horn of Africa, It is likely the target of many terrorist acts. It has been experiencing the plotting of terrorists like the Al-shabab of Somalia, OLF, and ONLF and so on," Ermias Legesse, State Minister of Government Communication Affairs Bureau said in a weekly press briefing along with Shimelis Kemal, the other state minister with the ministry on Monday.
He added that the new draft law was intended to ensure the welfare of the country and public with special emphasis to the protection of the rights of people to live in peace, liberty and stability from terrorism.
Who, exactly? said the bill was drafted to prevent terrorism, which is against democracy and development. Terrorism endangers the constitutional system, safety and peace in the country.
According to the two officials, any suspect can be detained for at least 48 hours with out any charge and even with no clear intent to carry out an attack.
Similarly, the law also states that any media may be enquired in terrorism act whenever it attempts to serve as the voice of any terrorism act even the reporting was by mistake "The new draft law states that any report that terrorizes the public attempts to voice out the intention of terrorist, event if it includes a silly mistake, the law sees as an intentional offence," Shimeless said adding propagating any acts that are denounced as criminal was an act punishable by law.
He, however, underscored that the new proposed law do not derogate the constitutional human right of any person arrested for other "ordinary" crimes.
According to the two officials, most of the core provisions of the draft anti-terrorism law have been drawn from the anti-terror laws of the UK, Canada, Australia, the US, Uganda and South Africa.
Criticisms also on their part are saying that the draft law is more or less a copy of the aforementioned anti-terror laws.
Moreover, the draft makes lots of emphasis to due process of law, most importantly ensuring judicial oversight on the activities of law enforcement organs in their effort to combat and bring terrorism suspects before a court of law.
Addis Ababa — The Ethiopian government is working on draft law providing for a tougher punishment of individuals involved in terrorist activity.
To that effect, the Council of Ministers has submitted the draft law to the House of Peoples' Representatives (HPR) for endorsement. According to the Ministry of Government Communications Affairs, the new draft law gives officials more authority to prosecute crimes and inspect communication including interception of telephone and internet communications that are thought to endanger the country.
It also prohibits any involvement with suspected terrorist groups, including contacting them, preparing for a terror attack by collecting money, financing terrorist activities, among others.
The law also forces any one to cooperate with security personnels in delivering any information they may know of any terrorism acts being plotted by terrorists.
Moreover it states failing to cooperate is a criminal act by itself, punishable by the court.
National committees of anti-terrorism coordinating office comprised of Ministry of Justice, Central intelligence and Information Agency, and the Federal Police would be set up, once the draft law gets approved by the House, officials said.
"As Ethiopian is geographically located in the Horn of Africa, It is likely the target of many terrorist acts. It has been experiencing the plotting of terrorists like the Al-shabab of Somalia, OLF, and ONLF and so on," Ermias Legesse, State Minister of Government Communication Affairs Bureau said in a weekly press briefing along with Shimelis Kemal, the other state minister with the ministry on Monday.
He added that the new draft law was intended to ensure the welfare of the country and public with special emphasis to the protection of the rights of people to live in peace, liberty and stability from terrorism.
Who, exactly? said the bill was drafted to prevent terrorism, which is against democracy and development. Terrorism endangers the constitutional system, safety and peace in the country.
According to the two officials, any suspect can be detained for at least 48 hours with out any charge and even with no clear intent to carry out an attack.
Similarly, the law also states that any media may be enquired in terrorism act whenever it attempts to serve as the voice of any terrorism act even the reporting was by mistake "The new draft law states that any report that terrorizes the public attempts to voice out the intention of terrorist, event if it includes a silly mistake, the law sees as an intentional offence," Shimeless said adding propagating any acts that are denounced as criminal was an act punishable by law.
He, however, underscored that the new proposed law do not derogate the constitutional human right of any person arrested for other "ordinary" crimes.
According to the two officials, most of the core provisions of the draft anti-terrorism law have been drawn from the anti-terror laws of the UK, Canada, Australia, the US, Uganda and South Africa.
Criticisms also on their part are saying that the draft law is more or less a copy of the aforementioned anti-terror laws.
Moreover, the draft makes lots of emphasis to due process of law, most importantly ensuring judicial oversight on the activities of law enforcement organs in their effort to combat and bring terrorism suspects before a court of law.
Documentary exposes Ethiopia’s political vulnerability
"There is no doubt that there are very close similarities between Burma's Aung San Suu Kyi and Ethiopia's Birtukan Mideksa": Film producer Chris Flaherty.
By David Calleja
In May 2005, the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) won elections amid allegations of electoral fraud and a campaign of intimidation against opposition groups. Six months and two protests later, nearly 200 civilians were killed and tens of thousands had been arrested, including high profile opposition leader Birtukan Mideksa. the former judge and popular politician was initially jailed for life, pardoned and then commanded to serve out the rest of her sentence.
Next year, Ethiopians will go to the polls again but the political manoeuvring is already underway. Last week, the Sudan Tribune reported on the Meles Zenawi government claims of an alleged coup plot masterminded by former opposition leader Behanu Nega, now an academic in the United States of America. And on Wednesday May 27 2009, the opposition Unity for Democracy and Justice (UDJ) had their permit application for a protest against the Zenawi government in Addis Ababa’s Meskel Square rejected by the city’s administration. A spokesman for the UDJ, Hailu Araya, was quoted as saying the government continued to play political games, thus weakening the UDJ’s effectiveness in the country.
Ethiopia is an important ally for the United States. Its strategic location in the Horn of Africa makes the country key to Barack Obama's attempts to win the War On Terror.
Amidst the backdrop of the 2010 election, the documentary Migration of Beauty is due for release on the international film festival circuit. Directed by Chris Flaherty, the film recalls the experiences of Ethiopian genocide survivors of the 1970s and the community activism led by the Ethiopian diaspora in Washington D.C. in the run-up to the 2005 election. Flaherty spent two years researching and befriending the witnesses involved in the historic event covered in the film. Migration of Beauty has screened at the AFI Institute in Maryland and Goeth-Institute in Washington D.C.
The Ethiopian government has sent a chilling message to all opposition groups by declaring that it will achieve peace at all costs, a clear reference to the protests that tainted the last election four years ago and reviving haunting memories of the Dergue's massacre of students and other civilians in the 1970s. Although the country is not officially a one-party state, the signs pointing to political intimidation mean Ethiopia's past risk leading the nation following Burma and Zimbabwe into tyranny.
Chris Flaherty speaks to Foreign Policy Journal’s David Calleja about what could be in store for sub-Saharan Africa’s second most populous country.
D.C.- Four years after the violence that occurred in the aftermath of Ethiopia's general elections, what news do you have of the mood in the country, and how do you think this will affect the lead-up to the 2010 poll?
C.F.- Obviously I have been keeping track of recent events as they relate to the upcoming Parliamentary election in Ethiopia. I would have to say that at this point it looks pretty grim. I think the party in power has been doing a good job at intimidating any possibility of viable opposition against themselves in 2010. With the re-arrest of one of Ethiopia's strongest opposition leaders, Birtukan Mideksa and the recent announcement by the Ethiopian government that they have launched an investigation against people suspected of overthrowing the government, the prospects look grimmer by the day.. From what I have observed many Ethiopians appear to be slipping into a feeling of helplessness. Many are saying, "Here we go again, this government will stop at nothing to retain power." The biggest fear for me is that Ethiopians will simply give up and accept what happens no matter how illegitimate the outcome.
D.C. - What factors compelled you to make your documentary Migration of Beauty? Why did you feel that it was necessary to tell people what happened in the 1970s under The Dergue as a prelude to the 2005 elections?
C.F.- Perhaps the biggest factor that helped me mold the idea for Migration of Beauty was the inspiration I experienced from documenting seemingly powerless immigrants from a third world country engaging the U.S. political process. During the filming I was able to better understand the conditions that drove many of them to zealously fight for ideas that most ordinary Americans take for granted. My approach was to tell their deeply personal human stories about struggling for freedom and dying for it. Some of the people in the film lived through one of the most horrific chapters of Ethiopian history, the "Dergue" period or the "Red Terror".
By bringing their stories to light I was trying to make clear that it doesn't matter who takes away your freedom as much as it is a criminal for anyone to do such a thing. Otherwise, if your freedom has been taken away the end result is always the same no matter who takes it away, weather it's Adolf Hitler, Mao Tse-Tung, Mengistu Haile Mariam or Meles Zenawi. And while the current Prime Minister of Ethiopia, Meles Zenawi has not committed acts as open and obvious as his predecessor Mengistu Haile Mariam, he is still repressing democratic ideas and has committed numerous human rights abuses. It was important for the Ethiopian/Americans in Migration of Beauty to connect both stories. They have seen it all before.
D.C. - There were some moments in the documentary in which you were prevented from filming. Who was behind the threats and what level of intimidation did they offer to the crew or yourself?
C.F. - I did B-roll filming in Ethiopia directly after the 2005 election massacres. There was a certain tension in the streets. Foreign journalist and filmmakers are highly suspect in the eyes of the Ethiopian government. The Ethiopian government has a long history of repressing the media so I expected I might run into problems. There were two instances where I and my Director of Photography were stopped by the police. The first time I managed to talk my way out of potential arrest by speaking in Amharic and smoothing my way out of the situation. The second time it was the Ethiopian Army that tried to stop us. I quickly discovered that they did not speak Amharic, therefore my language skills yielded no results. I could not understand what they were saying but it was obvious they wanted the video camera. My DP and I simply took off running. For whatever reason they stopped following us and we lost them. We quickly realized that we had to keep our equipment "under the radar" and out of sight. I have heard of worse stories involving intense harassment and arrest of video camera operators. There is one such instance documented in my film.
D.C. - Last year, the opposition leader Birtukan Mideksa was jailed for life. According to Voice of America report, Prime Minster Meles Zenawi government's official line was that "she had not asked for the pardon" handed to her. What do you think is the real reason for the order to serve out her life sentence? What does Meles Zenawi have to fear from her?
C.F. - The situation of jailed dissident Birtukan Mideksa is a very interesting one. The former District Judge represented the biggest threat to the party currently in power, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). And while she was jailed for what would appear to be rather "convenient" technical reasons it's obvious to me that she was put away because there was a good possibility she would beat the EPRDF in a fair election. Considering what happened in 2005 the ruling party appears not to be taking any chance of losing a national election. This is an old story and a proven formula: intimidate, jail and kill all of your viable opponents in order to keep power. No matter how proper and clean everything appears on the surface it's all the same.
D.C. - The same report from Voice Of America indicated a tough stance from the government, vowing that they will not allow the protests of 2005 to occur again in 2010. Zenawi allegedly said that, "We will do everything in our power to have peace." He has also vowed to not only stop any anti-government protests in the wake of the results, but also prevent any possible build-up of opposition support. What tactics do you think he intends to deploy?
C.F. - We can only speculate what the Zenawi led government has planned for the next election. I will acknowledge that the Prime Minister is extremely crafty with words and has leveraged this skill to benefit his position in the world view. However, to say, "We will do everything in our power to have peace" is an extremely ominous indication considering his well documented past endeavours to keep the peace. Besides possible use of military force, it's a safe bet to expect him to shut down the press completely and quell all avenues of dissent. My fear is that it could be much worse than it was in 2005. I'm not sold on the idea that everyone will go back into their houses if the government murders a bunch of unarmed civilians. It appears that the populace is deeply frustrated and they might go much further with the civil disobedience than they did in 2005. Either way, I sincerely hope no one gets hurt.
D.C. - You have quoted Dr. Jendayi Frazer as to making remarks about the dangers of a free press being a danger at the Batten School of Leadership and Public Policy at the University of Virginia, and that in African countries, could lead to "ethnic cleansing", such as what happened in Rwanda in 1994. What message do you think Dr. Frazer's remarks send, and what justification did he use?
C.F. - I was taken aback with Dr. Frazer's comment. To specifically call out the so called "irresponsible press" without mentioning the dangers of media repression is a horrible proposition. Considering Dr. Frazer’s past influence on foreign policy in Africa it was a chilling comment. If the government in hand deems their press to be irresponsible are we to base our foreign policy on their beliefs? Exactly who gets to decide the parameters of irresponsibility? And while Dr. Frazer did not specifically mention the role of the press in the Rwandan Genocide, most people know it is the 5000 pound elephant in the room. And therein lies the question - how do we balance the two?
My belief is that it is the right of the press to be free.... We must base our foreign policy on the ideas we believe in ourselves, regardless of how uncomfortable it makes us feel. And when a particular government is proven to repress the media, we should call them out and do nothing to lend credence to their credibility. It was the Ethiopian Ambassador to the U.S. himself, Samuel Assefa, who told me that the Ethiopian government must control the press, otherwise Ethiopians might commit ethnic genocide on themselves. All this is coming from a government that has instituted a policy of "Ethnic Federalism" which intentionally creates a divide between the many ethnic tribes within the country. This government has done little or nothing to foster a sense of national identity. It's an old formula, control the press and divide everyone to decrease the threat of losing power. Comments like the one Dr. Frazer made simply send the wrong signal to the world.
D.C. - What has U.S. President Barack Obama said regarding the Ethiopian leadership and what foreign policy initiative has he proposed? How can he be more effective in dealing with Meles Zenawi than his predecessor, George W. Bush?
C.F. - To date, I haven't heard much from the Obama Administration in regards to issues of democratic process in Africa. It's obvious they are being very careful. In this respect I believe they are doing the right thing. However, many Africans as well as those in the diaspora appear to be holding their breath to see exactly where he will stand. I can safely say that many have high hopes. It's a very difficult line for Obama to walk. News coming out of Somalia gets grimmer by the day and the Zenawi led government is the only one that appears to support our interests in the region.
In fact, the Ethiopian government makes this very clear to our elected officials. In my view, it is perhaps the biggest bargaining chip Zenawi can leverage. He knows that many U.S. Congressmen and Senators deplore his style of government but they are willing to deal as long as he represents our so called interests. He's proven himself to be very skillful in keeping just within the parameters of acceptability in the U.S. As far as Obama is concerned he must make clear where his priorities lie. It was the Bush Administration that justified dealing with any despotic regime in the name of fighting the war on terror.
This policy has proven to be disastrous for the U.S. It makes no sense to support governments that use military force to control their people in the name of fighting terrorism. In fact, the whole idea is absolute insanity to me. This is a special time in U..S. history. We stand at a precipice. We are forced to decide who we are as a nation in the eyes of the world. So often we have preached the virtues of democracy and freedom to virtually everyone. And now more than ever we are understandably challenged on those core beliefs. It is my hope that the Obama Administration will understand and adapt our foreign policy with this in mind.
D.C. - Do you believe that Birtukan Mideksa is Africa's answer to the jailed leader of the National League for Democracy (NLD) in Burma, Aung San Suu Kyi? Are there any similarities between the Burmese military regime and the Ethiopian leadership?
C.F. - No doubt, jailed dissident leader Birtukan Mideksa is an aspiring figure. I notice many similarities between her and Aung San Suu Kyi. Besides both of them being women they possess the types of charismatic characteristics that would help them go far in national appeal. Both are smart and unwavering in their ambitions to see true democracy and freedom in their countries. In the case of Ethiopia I think many Ethiopians have become disillusioned with the opposition in the past. From what I have been able to access there appears to be tremendous anger with the Coalition for Unity and Democracy Party (CUDP) opposition, the party Birtukan used to lead with Hailu Shawel.
Like anyone anywhere, Ethiopians need to believe in the strength of their leadership. Many felt let down and betrayed when the CUDP failed to stand their ground after their arrest in 2005. Many felt that they made deals selling out the cause of democracy and freedom simply to get out of jail. However, Birtukan was able to help form her own party, the Unity for Democracy and Justice (UDJ) Party and appeared to have a change of heart concerning the conditions of her release from prison. At this point she appears willing to stand her ground against Meles Zenawi and her popularity has dramatically risen as a result. Like Aung San Suu Kyi, her status could become legendary as long as she remains unwavering in her peaceful struggle for true democracy, human rights and the rule of law in Ethiopia. It will obviously be a long hard struggle but if she has the stomach for it she could be instrumental in leading her country to a better future.
While there are many similarities between the regimes in Ethiopia there are also many differences. The regime in Burma appears to be "straight out" dictatorial rule. They make no secret of their endeavours to ruthlessly quash dissent. They have shown time and again that they will send out their military to shoot unarmed civilians in the streets and make no apologies for doing it. However, it's a bit more complicated in Ethiopia, as the government claims to have something called an "emerging" democracy and says it's not perfect as it is evolving. In the mean time the end results are always the same.
When push comes to shove, the Zenawi-led government has shown to the world they will commit the same exact human rights crimes the regime in Burma has done. And while Ethiopia has labored very hard to create the perception of legitimacy they will use their military on their own people if they feel threatened to be removed by democratic process. In my opinion the only measure of democracy is weather you have it or whether you don't. If you have no ability to change the government by virtue of free and fair elections, then it doesn't exist. This is the case in Ethiopia.
D.C. - How organized and active is Washington DC's Ethiopian community? What messages have they delivered and who has been at the forefront of such efforts?
C.F. - From what I see, organization within the Ethiopian diaspora over opposition and election issues is sporadic at best. Certainly I have seen nothing on the level I witnessed a couple years ago in the fight for the Human Rights and Accountability Bill, HR 2003. True, the Ethiopian government has spent millions to stall the bill in the Senate but zealous petitioning from the Ethiopian diaspora has gone flat. I get the sense that many are just frustrated and tired of the fight.
I believe one of the biggest problems is their inability to nationalize the cause. They have a tendency to internalize the issues and keep it to themselves. It's sad because their causes are ones most Americans can identify with. In my opinion it might work best for them if they phrase their cause as a universal human rights struggle rather than as an internal one. I think it would be most effective if they appealed directly to the American voters themselves the way the Cuban/Americans have done.
In the past, the diaspora worked so hard to gain the assistance of people like Congressmen Chris Smith and Donald Payne and now the diaspora is almost never heard from. Nonetheless, I still have high hopes that they will eventually use their rights as U.S. citizens to bring deafening light to their cause, especially as the next Ethiopian election approaches in 2010.
D.C. - What role has Ethiopia's past played in shaping a future catastrophe? Do you believe that the persona of former dictator Mengistu Haile Mariam is still prominent in shaping the fear instilled by the Ethiopian leadership today?
C.F. - This is a very good question. No doubt, many Ethiopians possess what I call “generational fear” which is the type of fear passed down and learned from family and others. For the latest generation of Ethiopians this is not a fear based on personal experience. During the period of the Red Terror thousands were brutally murdered in the streets and as a result an overpowering sense of fear has virtually become part of the culture. Who could blame them? If you knew how young men and women were systematically murdered, their bodies pinned with notes warning everyone to heed the Red Terror, you might better understand. It’s no wonder that the older generation warns their children to, “stay away from politics, it will get you killed”. The damage of cultural fear has stifled healthy interest in governmental participation.
Without a doubt, the Zenawi government has effectively capitalized on the culture of fear instilled by Mengistu Haile Mariam. I am aware that some Ethiopians might be offended by what I am saying but I am speaking from my heart. Recently I read that an opposition party was desperately struggling to get a permit to hold a peaceful rally in a public area known as Meskel Square. Of course the government denied the permit. I was dismayed because no one had the courage to stage the rally without the permit. The rally was planned to be peaceful with no malice intended against the government. While I absolutely do not condone violence, I do believe in peaceful protest. Martin Luther King routinely staged public demonstrations without permits. He knew people would get hurt but he also knew they would never be able to advance their movement if everyone stayed home because there was no permit.
D.C. - In 1999, the BBC reported that the US Embassy in Harare admitted to assisting Mengistu in finding a safehaven where he was eventually offered sanctuary by Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe. Should Obama publicly acknowledge that this tactic was a mistake and has this contributed to the political unrest experienced by Ethiopia since?
C.F. - While it might not bring total closure for Ethiopians the gesture would certainly go miles to break down the years of mistrust they have been feeling as a result of our misguided foreign policy. Besides the issue of the U.S’s involvement in Mengistu’s escape to Zimbabwe they should also be more transparent about their motives with the current regime. From my point of view, the U.S.. has very little to lose by appealing to the Ethiopian people apart from the government.
As I said, many politicians in the U.S. are very uncomfortable with the Ethiopian government. Since the 2005 election massacres their credibility has never been the same. The U.S. absolutely needs to acknowledge the bravery of the thousands who struggle for true democracy and freedom in Ethiopia.
Authors’ note: Following a trial that lasted 12 years, an Ethiopian court sentenced Mengistu to life imprisonment in absentia in March 2007 for his role in the genocide that took place during the 1970s. Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch estimate that between half a million and 1.5 million people were killed during Mengistu's reign, beginning in 1974 and ending in 1991.
Before receiving asylum in Zimbabwe, Mengistu is said to have pocketed an undisclosed figure following Israel's purchase to evacuate 5,000 Falasha Jews at a cost of $USD 300 million to Israel. In addition, he pocketed all proceeds following the sale of the Livestock Development Company for $USD 10 million shortly before fleeing Ethiopia for Zimbabwe, where he is now a permanent resident. The Ethiopian people received no compensation.
The Zimbabwean Government has said that it would not force Mengistu to return to Ethiopia. A spokesman for Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe said that the role Mengistu played in supplying arms and pilot training to the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) in its war against white minority rule in the country formerly known as Rhodesia, helped resistance fighters achieve independence. The Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) accuse him of masterminding President Mugabe's Operation Murambastvina (Clean Out The Trash), whereby government militiamen allegedly bulldozed the houses of between 700,000 to 1 million civilians in Harare, mainly MDC supporters. He is reportedly offered personal protection by Mugabe's Presidential Guard battalion and owns multiple properties.
By David Calleja
In May 2005, the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) won elections amid allegations of electoral fraud and a campaign of intimidation against opposition groups. Six months and two protests later, nearly 200 civilians were killed and tens of thousands had been arrested, including high profile opposition leader Birtukan Mideksa. the former judge and popular politician was initially jailed for life, pardoned and then commanded to serve out the rest of her sentence.
Next year, Ethiopians will go to the polls again but the political manoeuvring is already underway. Last week, the Sudan Tribune reported on the Meles Zenawi government claims of an alleged coup plot masterminded by former opposition leader Behanu Nega, now an academic in the United States of America. And on Wednesday May 27 2009, the opposition Unity for Democracy and Justice (UDJ) had their permit application for a protest against the Zenawi government in Addis Ababa’s Meskel Square rejected by the city’s administration. A spokesman for the UDJ, Hailu Araya, was quoted as saying the government continued to play political games, thus weakening the UDJ’s effectiveness in the country.
Ethiopia is an important ally for the United States. Its strategic location in the Horn of Africa makes the country key to Barack Obama's attempts to win the War On Terror.
Amidst the backdrop of the 2010 election, the documentary Migration of Beauty is due for release on the international film festival circuit. Directed by Chris Flaherty, the film recalls the experiences of Ethiopian genocide survivors of the 1970s and the community activism led by the Ethiopian diaspora in Washington D.C. in the run-up to the 2005 election. Flaherty spent two years researching and befriending the witnesses involved in the historic event covered in the film. Migration of Beauty has screened at the AFI Institute in Maryland and Goeth-Institute in Washington D.C.
The Ethiopian government has sent a chilling message to all opposition groups by declaring that it will achieve peace at all costs, a clear reference to the protests that tainted the last election four years ago and reviving haunting memories of the Dergue's massacre of students and other civilians in the 1970s. Although the country is not officially a one-party state, the signs pointing to political intimidation mean Ethiopia's past risk leading the nation following Burma and Zimbabwe into tyranny.
Chris Flaherty speaks to Foreign Policy Journal’s David Calleja about what could be in store for sub-Saharan Africa’s second most populous country.
D.C.- Four years after the violence that occurred in the aftermath of Ethiopia's general elections, what news do you have of the mood in the country, and how do you think this will affect the lead-up to the 2010 poll?
C.F.- Obviously I have been keeping track of recent events as they relate to the upcoming Parliamentary election in Ethiopia. I would have to say that at this point it looks pretty grim. I think the party in power has been doing a good job at intimidating any possibility of viable opposition against themselves in 2010. With the re-arrest of one of Ethiopia's strongest opposition leaders, Birtukan Mideksa and the recent announcement by the Ethiopian government that they have launched an investigation against people suspected of overthrowing the government, the prospects look grimmer by the day.. From what I have observed many Ethiopians appear to be slipping into a feeling of helplessness. Many are saying, "Here we go again, this government will stop at nothing to retain power." The biggest fear for me is that Ethiopians will simply give up and accept what happens no matter how illegitimate the outcome.
D.C. - What factors compelled you to make your documentary Migration of Beauty? Why did you feel that it was necessary to tell people what happened in the 1970s under The Dergue as a prelude to the 2005 elections?
C.F.- Perhaps the biggest factor that helped me mold the idea for Migration of Beauty was the inspiration I experienced from documenting seemingly powerless immigrants from a third world country engaging the U.S. political process. During the filming I was able to better understand the conditions that drove many of them to zealously fight for ideas that most ordinary Americans take for granted. My approach was to tell their deeply personal human stories about struggling for freedom and dying for it. Some of the people in the film lived through one of the most horrific chapters of Ethiopian history, the "Dergue" period or the "Red Terror".
By bringing their stories to light I was trying to make clear that it doesn't matter who takes away your freedom as much as it is a criminal for anyone to do such a thing. Otherwise, if your freedom has been taken away the end result is always the same no matter who takes it away, weather it's Adolf Hitler, Mao Tse-Tung, Mengistu Haile Mariam or Meles Zenawi. And while the current Prime Minister of Ethiopia, Meles Zenawi has not committed acts as open and obvious as his predecessor Mengistu Haile Mariam, he is still repressing democratic ideas and has committed numerous human rights abuses. It was important for the Ethiopian/Americans in Migration of Beauty to connect both stories. They have seen it all before.
D.C. - There were some moments in the documentary in which you were prevented from filming. Who was behind the threats and what level of intimidation did they offer to the crew or yourself?
C.F. - I did B-roll filming in Ethiopia directly after the 2005 election massacres. There was a certain tension in the streets. Foreign journalist and filmmakers are highly suspect in the eyes of the Ethiopian government. The Ethiopian government has a long history of repressing the media so I expected I might run into problems. There were two instances where I and my Director of Photography were stopped by the police. The first time I managed to talk my way out of potential arrest by speaking in Amharic and smoothing my way out of the situation. The second time it was the Ethiopian Army that tried to stop us. I quickly discovered that they did not speak Amharic, therefore my language skills yielded no results. I could not understand what they were saying but it was obvious they wanted the video camera. My DP and I simply took off running. For whatever reason they stopped following us and we lost them. We quickly realized that we had to keep our equipment "under the radar" and out of sight. I have heard of worse stories involving intense harassment and arrest of video camera operators. There is one such instance documented in my film.
D.C. - Last year, the opposition leader Birtukan Mideksa was jailed for life. According to Voice of America report, Prime Minster Meles Zenawi government's official line was that "she had not asked for the pardon" handed to her. What do you think is the real reason for the order to serve out her life sentence? What does Meles Zenawi have to fear from her?
C.F. - The situation of jailed dissident Birtukan Mideksa is a very interesting one. The former District Judge represented the biggest threat to the party currently in power, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). And while she was jailed for what would appear to be rather "convenient" technical reasons it's obvious to me that she was put away because there was a good possibility she would beat the EPRDF in a fair election. Considering what happened in 2005 the ruling party appears not to be taking any chance of losing a national election. This is an old story and a proven formula: intimidate, jail and kill all of your viable opponents in order to keep power. No matter how proper and clean everything appears on the surface it's all the same.
D.C. - The same report from Voice Of America indicated a tough stance from the government, vowing that they will not allow the protests of 2005 to occur again in 2010. Zenawi allegedly said that, "We will do everything in our power to have peace." He has also vowed to not only stop any anti-government protests in the wake of the results, but also prevent any possible build-up of opposition support. What tactics do you think he intends to deploy?
C.F. - We can only speculate what the Zenawi led government has planned for the next election. I will acknowledge that the Prime Minister is extremely crafty with words and has leveraged this skill to benefit his position in the world view. However, to say, "We will do everything in our power to have peace" is an extremely ominous indication considering his well documented past endeavours to keep the peace. Besides possible use of military force, it's a safe bet to expect him to shut down the press completely and quell all avenues of dissent. My fear is that it could be much worse than it was in 2005. I'm not sold on the idea that everyone will go back into their houses if the government murders a bunch of unarmed civilians. It appears that the populace is deeply frustrated and they might go much further with the civil disobedience than they did in 2005. Either way, I sincerely hope no one gets hurt.
D.C. - You have quoted Dr. Jendayi Frazer as to making remarks about the dangers of a free press being a danger at the Batten School of Leadership and Public Policy at the University of Virginia, and that in African countries, could lead to "ethnic cleansing", such as what happened in Rwanda in 1994. What message do you think Dr. Frazer's remarks send, and what justification did he use?
C.F. - I was taken aback with Dr. Frazer's comment. To specifically call out the so called "irresponsible press" without mentioning the dangers of media repression is a horrible proposition. Considering Dr. Frazer’s past influence on foreign policy in Africa it was a chilling comment. If the government in hand deems their press to be irresponsible are we to base our foreign policy on their beliefs? Exactly who gets to decide the parameters of irresponsibility? And while Dr. Frazer did not specifically mention the role of the press in the Rwandan Genocide, most people know it is the 5000 pound elephant in the room. And therein lies the question - how do we balance the two?
My belief is that it is the right of the press to be free.... We must base our foreign policy on the ideas we believe in ourselves, regardless of how uncomfortable it makes us feel. And when a particular government is proven to repress the media, we should call them out and do nothing to lend credence to their credibility. It was the Ethiopian Ambassador to the U.S. himself, Samuel Assefa, who told me that the Ethiopian government must control the press, otherwise Ethiopians might commit ethnic genocide on themselves. All this is coming from a government that has instituted a policy of "Ethnic Federalism" which intentionally creates a divide between the many ethnic tribes within the country. This government has done little or nothing to foster a sense of national identity. It's an old formula, control the press and divide everyone to decrease the threat of losing power. Comments like the one Dr. Frazer made simply send the wrong signal to the world.
D.C. - What has U.S. President Barack Obama said regarding the Ethiopian leadership and what foreign policy initiative has he proposed? How can he be more effective in dealing with Meles Zenawi than his predecessor, George W. Bush?
C.F. - To date, I haven't heard much from the Obama Administration in regards to issues of democratic process in Africa. It's obvious they are being very careful. In this respect I believe they are doing the right thing. However, many Africans as well as those in the diaspora appear to be holding their breath to see exactly where he will stand. I can safely say that many have high hopes. It's a very difficult line for Obama to walk. News coming out of Somalia gets grimmer by the day and the Zenawi led government is the only one that appears to support our interests in the region.
In fact, the Ethiopian government makes this very clear to our elected officials. In my view, it is perhaps the biggest bargaining chip Zenawi can leverage. He knows that many U.S. Congressmen and Senators deplore his style of government but they are willing to deal as long as he represents our so called interests. He's proven himself to be very skillful in keeping just within the parameters of acceptability in the U.S. As far as Obama is concerned he must make clear where his priorities lie. It was the Bush Administration that justified dealing with any despotic regime in the name of fighting the war on terror.
This policy has proven to be disastrous for the U.S. It makes no sense to support governments that use military force to control their people in the name of fighting terrorism. In fact, the whole idea is absolute insanity to me. This is a special time in U..S. history. We stand at a precipice. We are forced to decide who we are as a nation in the eyes of the world. So often we have preached the virtues of democracy and freedom to virtually everyone. And now more than ever we are understandably challenged on those core beliefs. It is my hope that the Obama Administration will understand and adapt our foreign policy with this in mind.
D.C. - Do you believe that Birtukan Mideksa is Africa's answer to the jailed leader of the National League for Democracy (NLD) in Burma, Aung San Suu Kyi? Are there any similarities between the Burmese military regime and the Ethiopian leadership?
C.F. - No doubt, jailed dissident leader Birtukan Mideksa is an aspiring figure. I notice many similarities between her and Aung San Suu Kyi. Besides both of them being women they possess the types of charismatic characteristics that would help them go far in national appeal. Both are smart and unwavering in their ambitions to see true democracy and freedom in their countries. In the case of Ethiopia I think many Ethiopians have become disillusioned with the opposition in the past. From what I have been able to access there appears to be tremendous anger with the Coalition for Unity and Democracy Party (CUDP) opposition, the party Birtukan used to lead with Hailu Shawel.
Like anyone anywhere, Ethiopians need to believe in the strength of their leadership. Many felt let down and betrayed when the CUDP failed to stand their ground after their arrest in 2005. Many felt that they made deals selling out the cause of democracy and freedom simply to get out of jail. However, Birtukan was able to help form her own party, the Unity for Democracy and Justice (UDJ) Party and appeared to have a change of heart concerning the conditions of her release from prison. At this point she appears willing to stand her ground against Meles Zenawi and her popularity has dramatically risen as a result. Like Aung San Suu Kyi, her status could become legendary as long as she remains unwavering in her peaceful struggle for true democracy, human rights and the rule of law in Ethiopia. It will obviously be a long hard struggle but if she has the stomach for it she could be instrumental in leading her country to a better future.
While there are many similarities between the regimes in Ethiopia there are also many differences. The regime in Burma appears to be "straight out" dictatorial rule. They make no secret of their endeavours to ruthlessly quash dissent. They have shown time and again that they will send out their military to shoot unarmed civilians in the streets and make no apologies for doing it. However, it's a bit more complicated in Ethiopia, as the government claims to have something called an "emerging" democracy and says it's not perfect as it is evolving. In the mean time the end results are always the same.
When push comes to shove, the Zenawi-led government has shown to the world they will commit the same exact human rights crimes the regime in Burma has done. And while Ethiopia has labored very hard to create the perception of legitimacy they will use their military on their own people if they feel threatened to be removed by democratic process. In my opinion the only measure of democracy is weather you have it or whether you don't. If you have no ability to change the government by virtue of free and fair elections, then it doesn't exist. This is the case in Ethiopia.
D.C. - How organized and active is Washington DC's Ethiopian community? What messages have they delivered and who has been at the forefront of such efforts?
C.F. - From what I see, organization within the Ethiopian diaspora over opposition and election issues is sporadic at best. Certainly I have seen nothing on the level I witnessed a couple years ago in the fight for the Human Rights and Accountability Bill, HR 2003. True, the Ethiopian government has spent millions to stall the bill in the Senate but zealous petitioning from the Ethiopian diaspora has gone flat. I get the sense that many are just frustrated and tired of the fight.
I believe one of the biggest problems is their inability to nationalize the cause. They have a tendency to internalize the issues and keep it to themselves. It's sad because their causes are ones most Americans can identify with. In my opinion it might work best for them if they phrase their cause as a universal human rights struggle rather than as an internal one. I think it would be most effective if they appealed directly to the American voters themselves the way the Cuban/Americans have done.
In the past, the diaspora worked so hard to gain the assistance of people like Congressmen Chris Smith and Donald Payne and now the diaspora is almost never heard from. Nonetheless, I still have high hopes that they will eventually use their rights as U.S. citizens to bring deafening light to their cause, especially as the next Ethiopian election approaches in 2010.
D.C. - What role has Ethiopia's past played in shaping a future catastrophe? Do you believe that the persona of former dictator Mengistu Haile Mariam is still prominent in shaping the fear instilled by the Ethiopian leadership today?
C.F. - This is a very good question. No doubt, many Ethiopians possess what I call “generational fear” which is the type of fear passed down and learned from family and others. For the latest generation of Ethiopians this is not a fear based on personal experience. During the period of the Red Terror thousands were brutally murdered in the streets and as a result an overpowering sense of fear has virtually become part of the culture. Who could blame them? If you knew how young men and women were systematically murdered, their bodies pinned with notes warning everyone to heed the Red Terror, you might better understand. It’s no wonder that the older generation warns their children to, “stay away from politics, it will get you killed”. The damage of cultural fear has stifled healthy interest in governmental participation.
Without a doubt, the Zenawi government has effectively capitalized on the culture of fear instilled by Mengistu Haile Mariam. I am aware that some Ethiopians might be offended by what I am saying but I am speaking from my heart. Recently I read that an opposition party was desperately struggling to get a permit to hold a peaceful rally in a public area known as Meskel Square. Of course the government denied the permit. I was dismayed because no one had the courage to stage the rally without the permit. The rally was planned to be peaceful with no malice intended against the government. While I absolutely do not condone violence, I do believe in peaceful protest. Martin Luther King routinely staged public demonstrations without permits. He knew people would get hurt but he also knew they would never be able to advance their movement if everyone stayed home because there was no permit.
D.C. - In 1999, the BBC reported that the US Embassy in Harare admitted to assisting Mengistu in finding a safehaven where he was eventually offered sanctuary by Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe. Should Obama publicly acknowledge that this tactic was a mistake and has this contributed to the political unrest experienced by Ethiopia since?
C.F. - While it might not bring total closure for Ethiopians the gesture would certainly go miles to break down the years of mistrust they have been feeling as a result of our misguided foreign policy. Besides the issue of the U.S’s involvement in Mengistu’s escape to Zimbabwe they should also be more transparent about their motives with the current regime. From my point of view, the U.S.. has very little to lose by appealing to the Ethiopian people apart from the government.
As I said, many politicians in the U.S. are very uncomfortable with the Ethiopian government. Since the 2005 election massacres their credibility has never been the same. The U.S. absolutely needs to acknowledge the bravery of the thousands who struggle for true democracy and freedom in Ethiopia.
Authors’ note: Following a trial that lasted 12 years, an Ethiopian court sentenced Mengistu to life imprisonment in absentia in March 2007 for his role in the genocide that took place during the 1970s. Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch estimate that between half a million and 1.5 million people were killed during Mengistu's reign, beginning in 1974 and ending in 1991.
Before receiving asylum in Zimbabwe, Mengistu is said to have pocketed an undisclosed figure following Israel's purchase to evacuate 5,000 Falasha Jews at a cost of $USD 300 million to Israel. In addition, he pocketed all proceeds following the sale of the Livestock Development Company for $USD 10 million shortly before fleeing Ethiopia for Zimbabwe, where he is now a permanent resident. The Ethiopian people received no compensation.
The Zimbabwean Government has said that it would not force Mengistu to return to Ethiopia. A spokesman for Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe said that the role Mengistu played in supplying arms and pilot training to the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) in its war against white minority rule in the country formerly known as Rhodesia, helped resistance fighters achieve independence. The Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) accuse him of masterminding President Mugabe's Operation Murambastvina (Clean Out The Trash), whereby government militiamen allegedly bulldozed the houses of between 700,000 to 1 million civilians in Harare, mainly MDC supporters. He is reportedly offered personal protection by Mugabe's Presidential Guard battalion and owns multiple properties.
Monday, June 1, 2009
VOA correspondent arrested
Addis Journal-A correspondent for the Amharic service of the Voice of America, Meleskachew Amha has been arrested in connection with printing and studio goods of Addis Broadcasting PLC, owned by Dr. Berhanu Nega and other prominent people.
The Amharic weekly, Addis Admass reported today that Meleskachew and other four people were detained on Wednesday for allegedly “trying to transfer duty-free imported goods to a third party.”
Meleskacahew and the other four suspects who appeared before court yesterday were denied bail, according to Addis Admass. The court granted police twelve more days to conduct further investigation, as per the latter’s request.
The Addis Broadcasting PLC had established a head quarters in Kechene Medanhialem but has gone unoperational for a number of years as it was denied broadcasting licenses and most of the shareholders disbanded after the 2005 election. Meleskachew has been manger of the PLC for three months.
Dr. Berhanu Nega now leads an oppostion party, Ginbot 7,which the government has designated as a terriorist organization.
The Amharic weekly, Addis Admass reported today that Meleskachew and other four people were detained on Wednesday for allegedly “trying to transfer duty-free imported goods to a third party.”
Meleskacahew and the other four suspects who appeared before court yesterday were denied bail, according to Addis Admass. The court granted police twelve more days to conduct further investigation, as per the latter’s request.
The Addis Broadcasting PLC had established a head quarters in Kechene Medanhialem but has gone unoperational for a number of years as it was denied broadcasting licenses and most of the shareholders disbanded after the 2005 election. Meleskachew has been manger of the PLC for three months.
Dr. Berhanu Nega now leads an oppostion party, Ginbot 7,which the government has designated as a terriorist organization.
Friday, May 15, 2009
Ginbot 7- A day to remember
Berlin, Germany- This same day exactly four years back, eligible Ethiopian voters from all walks of life turned out into their polling stations in huge numbers ever witnessed in the country’s thousands of years of history. Their votes, however, were blatantly rigged by the government in power. Hundreds died, thousands ended up in the notorious jails following protests which were nothing but peaceful.
In memory of the day thousands of Ethiopians living in exile staged demonstrations in their host countries. Here in Germany hundreds showed up in Berlin before the US embassy and the Chancellor’s office protesting their support to the illegitimate tyrannical government of Ethiopia and called for the end of any kind of non-humanitarian assistance directed to the regime that violates its own constitution. They also said that the west should exert pressure on the government so that it meets its national and international obligations. Representative of the protesters handed over letters to the officials requesting the same. Pictures will be up soon.
Thursday, May 14, 2009
Ginbot and Ethiopia
By Yilma Bekele
There are certain dates that mark a special event in our old history. They stand out when ever our history is told. These dates are adorned in red bold color when the calendar is made. We are filled with a sense of euphoria and pride. They are not like other holidays. They are more than a holiday. They are a defining moment in our history.
March 2nd is a special day. It is Adwa Victory Day. We proved that we could function as one when our sovereignty is threatened. April 6th. is another special day. It is the day the Fascist flag was lowered and our green, yellow and red flew high. It is a day we proved that we are unmatched in the art of protracted warfare to rout out an invader from our soil. Ginbot 15 is a special day too. It is the day the Ethiopian people tasted the power of the ballot box. Ginbot 15, 2005 the Ethiopian people woke up early to exercise their god given right to choose their leaders using the pencil instead of the gun.
Ginbot 15 changed Ethiopia for good. The very old, old and the young stood in line under the tropical sun on a hot muggy day to decide who they want to be in charge. It was unprecedented moment in our history. It was a lively campaign. The choice was laid out before them. There was the big, rich, organized TPLF camouflaged as EPDRF on one side and Kinijit, Hebret, OFDM on the other.
Click on 'Read More.' TPLF has been operating in a vacuum since 1991. The Derg has decimated both civilian and military leaders. TPLF entered the capital unopposed. For fourteen years TPLF roamed the country in the belief that it was shaping it in its own image. It facilitated the secession of Eritrea, rewrote a new Constitution, reconfisicated property, land and private businesses. It was a dark period in our history. Seventeen years of Derg mayhem left the population in a state of shock. The new leaders were looked at with total indifference. TPLF held a clearance sell of Derg companies and they all went to Tigrai rehab and endowment outfit. It even held an election in 1996 and 2000. TPLF (EPDRF) won everything. There was no organized opposition. It was actually a coronation.
Then came the famous 2005 general election. It was like the nation was waking up from a long slumber. New leaders were emerging. The people were eager to listen to new voices. The voices were smart, organized and defiant. The new leaders were focused, urbane, and fearless. Keste Damena under the leadership Of Dr. Berhanu Nega was the David against the TPLF Goliath. Slowly and methodically the TPLF cadres were goaded to react against their own interest. The Ethiopian people were given a front row seat to view the cadre clique naked flailing like a fish out of water.
The famous ‘television debates’ exposed the bankruptcy of the TPLF mafia. The Ethiopian people saw the cadres were blind leading the blind. Not even one was able to emerge worthy of respect. They were reduced to their old rant of ‘neftegna’ ‘deregist’ and bar room insults. They couldn’t articulate any vision so character assassination and bullying was the only thing left for them.
From Zele Anbesa to Moyale from Gore to Jijiga the Ethiopian people came out to vote on May 15. Using their newfound freedom, fueled by hope and a better future the Ethiopian people raised the banner of Kinijit and other opposition parties. TPLF was not safe even in its own backyard. The rejection of cadre economics, cadre politics and cadre leadership was universal. It was a landslide by any account. The cadres were in disarray. TPLF was the laughing stock of the continent. The only way out was illegal declaration of state of emergency and naked use of private Agaizi force.
Ginbot changed the dynamics of party building, election campaign and the sweet taste of freedom and one-man one vote principle. Ginbot showed that the Ethiopian people are ready and capable of exercising their right to choose their leaders in a peaceful manner.
Since Ginbot 15, 2005 our country has never been the same. We all woke up. The Ethiopian people realized TPLF was a paper tiger. It can kill, it can steal, it can lie and it can intimidate but it is also possible to defeat it. The Diaspora woke up too. You can physically transport the Ethiopian to a foreign land but you cannot take his Ethiopia ness out of him. The events of Ginbot 2005 downed on the Diaspora that silence is not an option.
So by imprisoning the leaders, killing activists, exiling opponents the TPLF regime thought it can turn time back to pre Ginbot state of affairs. What a wishful thinking? Freedom is infectious. Once you taste it there is no going back to slavery. Thus Kinijit became more than a party. It became an idea or as Judge Bertukan said ‘Kinijit is spirit’.
The TPLF regime said it took ‘a calculated risk’ in allowing the election and opening of the media to the opposition. It looks like they better get a new calculator because the old one seems to miscalculate a whole lot. Their love affair with Eritrea was a calculated risk that turned up into a two years war. The cease-fire and the Algiers agreement was another calculated risk that came back to bite them. Say goodbye to Badme. The invasion of Somalia was the mother of all calculated risks that blew up in the face of the cadres.
Can we give the cadres any credit for a job well done? I have tried but unfortunately, I couldn’t come up with one. You might say that is not fair but that is the truth. Ask a cadre to name a few success stories and see what they come up with. I know here in North America it is difficult to come up with an official TPLF supporter. TPLF is the only party in power with all its supporters underground. None of them will reveal their identity in broad daylight. They even use a pen name to write their poisonous propaganda.
Their mouthpiece ‘Aiga’ always posts tall buildings and freeways of the future being constructed. Are we supposed to be impressed by that? Is that what we want? Is that the blue print TPLF has for our country? How sad. Building wide freeways with borrowed money using Chinese labor is nothing to be proud of. A two-lane highway and plenty of primary schools with trained teachers is a better choice. Building soviet type concrete buildings with imported cement, imported metal, imported glass and remittance from the Diaspora is a shameful use of resources. Better to improve agriculture and feed the people instead of housing a few NGO’s in a high rise with no water and electricity.
The invention of the World Wide Web has brought untold advantage all over the world. Even the advanced economies have benefited from this miraculous technology. What did we do before the Web has become a genuine question. How is the TPLF regime using this wonderful invention? They built a ‘virtual network’ for the upper echelon of the party and foreign diplomats, but shut out the people. TPLF is afraid of free flow of information. Somalia a country in disarray is wired better than Ethiopia. On the other hand Ethiopia can boast the most robust firewall and web access blocking in Africa.
All this deep knowledge of the cadre government and Diaspora activism is the result of Ginbot 15. We were feeling defeated and resigned until Ginbot showed us the true strength of mass action. Ginbot 15 was the result of the action of dedicated sons and daughters of Ethiopia. It was the work of Dr. Berhanu, Ato Andargachew, Judge Birtukan, Ato Debebe, Dr. Hailu, Dr. Befekadu and numerous others that are still working tirelessly to pave the way so our children can live free.
A lot has happened since Ginbot 15, 2005. The enemy is relentless. The enemy has the resources of the state under its control. The enemy is a big fat and ugly Goliath. But we have adapted too. We have managed to use our limited resources intelligently. We have risen to the occasion and routed the enemy in every encounter. We are lean, mean and smart. We have enjoyed numerous victories. We have forced the regime to release our leaders, convinced the US Congress and European Union to listen to our concerns, shamed paid lobbyists to distance themselves from the cadres, managed to work with such honorable organization as Amnesty International (AI), Human Rights Watch (HRW), Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) and others to echo the cry of our people.
We look back at Ginbot 15 with pride. We honor the memory of those who were slain by the regime because they took the promise of Ginbot 15 to heart. We take solace from the fact that their sacrifice will live forever in our glorious history. Four years later their dedication has borne fruit and here we are in the thousands working hard, working smart and convinced in the end good will triumph over evil. No one can change that.
There are certain dates that mark a special event in our old history. They stand out when ever our history is told. These dates are adorned in red bold color when the calendar is made. We are filled with a sense of euphoria and pride. They are not like other holidays. They are more than a holiday. They are a defining moment in our history.
March 2nd is a special day. It is Adwa Victory Day. We proved that we could function as one when our sovereignty is threatened. April 6th. is another special day. It is the day the Fascist flag was lowered and our green, yellow and red flew high. It is a day we proved that we are unmatched in the art of protracted warfare to rout out an invader from our soil. Ginbot 15 is a special day too. It is the day the Ethiopian people tasted the power of the ballot box. Ginbot 15, 2005 the Ethiopian people woke up early to exercise their god given right to choose their leaders using the pencil instead of the gun.
Ginbot 15 changed Ethiopia for good. The very old, old and the young stood in line under the tropical sun on a hot muggy day to decide who they want to be in charge. It was unprecedented moment in our history. It was a lively campaign. The choice was laid out before them. There was the big, rich, organized TPLF camouflaged as EPDRF on one side and Kinijit, Hebret, OFDM on the other.
Click on 'Read More.' TPLF has been operating in a vacuum since 1991. The Derg has decimated both civilian and military leaders. TPLF entered the capital unopposed. For fourteen years TPLF roamed the country in the belief that it was shaping it in its own image. It facilitated the secession of Eritrea, rewrote a new Constitution, reconfisicated property, land and private businesses. It was a dark period in our history. Seventeen years of Derg mayhem left the population in a state of shock. The new leaders were looked at with total indifference. TPLF held a clearance sell of Derg companies and they all went to Tigrai rehab and endowment outfit. It even held an election in 1996 and 2000. TPLF (EPDRF) won everything. There was no organized opposition. It was actually a coronation.
Then came the famous 2005 general election. It was like the nation was waking up from a long slumber. New leaders were emerging. The people were eager to listen to new voices. The voices were smart, organized and defiant. The new leaders were focused, urbane, and fearless. Keste Damena under the leadership Of Dr. Berhanu Nega was the David against the TPLF Goliath. Slowly and methodically the TPLF cadres were goaded to react against their own interest. The Ethiopian people were given a front row seat to view the cadre clique naked flailing like a fish out of water.
The famous ‘television debates’ exposed the bankruptcy of the TPLF mafia. The Ethiopian people saw the cadres were blind leading the blind. Not even one was able to emerge worthy of respect. They were reduced to their old rant of ‘neftegna’ ‘deregist’ and bar room insults. They couldn’t articulate any vision so character assassination and bullying was the only thing left for them.
From Zele Anbesa to Moyale from Gore to Jijiga the Ethiopian people came out to vote on May 15. Using their newfound freedom, fueled by hope and a better future the Ethiopian people raised the banner of Kinijit and other opposition parties. TPLF was not safe even in its own backyard. The rejection of cadre economics, cadre politics and cadre leadership was universal. It was a landslide by any account. The cadres were in disarray. TPLF was the laughing stock of the continent. The only way out was illegal declaration of state of emergency and naked use of private Agaizi force.
Ginbot changed the dynamics of party building, election campaign and the sweet taste of freedom and one-man one vote principle. Ginbot showed that the Ethiopian people are ready and capable of exercising their right to choose their leaders in a peaceful manner.
Since Ginbot 15, 2005 our country has never been the same. We all woke up. The Ethiopian people realized TPLF was a paper tiger. It can kill, it can steal, it can lie and it can intimidate but it is also possible to defeat it. The Diaspora woke up too. You can physically transport the Ethiopian to a foreign land but you cannot take his Ethiopia ness out of him. The events of Ginbot 2005 downed on the Diaspora that silence is not an option.
So by imprisoning the leaders, killing activists, exiling opponents the TPLF regime thought it can turn time back to pre Ginbot state of affairs. What a wishful thinking? Freedom is infectious. Once you taste it there is no going back to slavery. Thus Kinijit became more than a party. It became an idea or as Judge Bertukan said ‘Kinijit is spirit’.
The TPLF regime said it took ‘a calculated risk’ in allowing the election and opening of the media to the opposition. It looks like they better get a new calculator because the old one seems to miscalculate a whole lot. Their love affair with Eritrea was a calculated risk that turned up into a two years war. The cease-fire and the Algiers agreement was another calculated risk that came back to bite them. Say goodbye to Badme. The invasion of Somalia was the mother of all calculated risks that blew up in the face of the cadres.
Can we give the cadres any credit for a job well done? I have tried but unfortunately, I couldn’t come up with one. You might say that is not fair but that is the truth. Ask a cadre to name a few success stories and see what they come up with. I know here in North America it is difficult to come up with an official TPLF supporter. TPLF is the only party in power with all its supporters underground. None of them will reveal their identity in broad daylight. They even use a pen name to write their poisonous propaganda.
Their mouthpiece ‘Aiga’ always posts tall buildings and freeways of the future being constructed. Are we supposed to be impressed by that? Is that what we want? Is that the blue print TPLF has for our country? How sad. Building wide freeways with borrowed money using Chinese labor is nothing to be proud of. A two-lane highway and plenty of primary schools with trained teachers is a better choice. Building soviet type concrete buildings with imported cement, imported metal, imported glass and remittance from the Diaspora is a shameful use of resources. Better to improve agriculture and feed the people instead of housing a few NGO’s in a high rise with no water and electricity.
The invention of the World Wide Web has brought untold advantage all over the world. Even the advanced economies have benefited from this miraculous technology. What did we do before the Web has become a genuine question. How is the TPLF regime using this wonderful invention? They built a ‘virtual network’ for the upper echelon of the party and foreign diplomats, but shut out the people. TPLF is afraid of free flow of information. Somalia a country in disarray is wired better than Ethiopia. On the other hand Ethiopia can boast the most robust firewall and web access blocking in Africa.
All this deep knowledge of the cadre government and Diaspora activism is the result of Ginbot 15. We were feeling defeated and resigned until Ginbot showed us the true strength of mass action. Ginbot 15 was the result of the action of dedicated sons and daughters of Ethiopia. It was the work of Dr. Berhanu, Ato Andargachew, Judge Birtukan, Ato Debebe, Dr. Hailu, Dr. Befekadu and numerous others that are still working tirelessly to pave the way so our children can live free.
A lot has happened since Ginbot 15, 2005. The enemy is relentless. The enemy has the resources of the state under its control. The enemy is a big fat and ugly Goliath. But we have adapted too. We have managed to use our limited resources intelligently. We have risen to the occasion and routed the enemy in every encounter. We are lean, mean and smart. We have enjoyed numerous victories. We have forced the regime to release our leaders, convinced the US Congress and European Union to listen to our concerns, shamed paid lobbyists to distance themselves from the cadres, managed to work with such honorable organization as Amnesty International (AI), Human Rights Watch (HRW), Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) and others to echo the cry of our people.
We look back at Ginbot 15 with pride. We honor the memory of those who were slain by the regime because they took the promise of Ginbot 15 to heart. We take solace from the fact that their sacrifice will live forever in our glorious history. Four years later their dedication has borne fruit and here we are in the thousands working hard, working smart and convinced in the end good will triumph over evil. No one can change that.
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