Saturday, December 3, 2011
Mesfin Negash: “We shouldn’t give the dictators what they want, which is our silence at home and abroad.”
By Joseph Edgar- Sampsonia Way
Mesfin Negash calls himself a journalist and refuses to be tagged political, activist, or opponent. Since 2001 he has written and edited in-depth analysis, interviews, features, and essays that have criticized Ethiopia’s government as well as its opposition. In 2007 along with five colleagues, he founded the newspaper Addis Neger (New Affairs), which under his direction grew to be one of Ethiopia’s leading newspapers.
Two years after its opening, Addis Neger, as any other independent media outlet in Ethiopia, faced intimidation and harassment as a consequence of Ethiopia’s anti-terrorism law. This law criminalizes any reporting that directly or indirectly “encourages” or provides “moral support” to “terrorist groups.” It has become the biggest threat for the country’s journalists as the government deems what is “encouraging” and labels what a “terrorist group” is.
Despite the law, Addis Neger maintained its policy of covering all the actors of its society, including the opposition, and scrutinized official documents of the ruling party and policies. That was the tipping point for the government to charge the Addis Neger staff with terrorism and force them into exile. Negash was officially charged by the government for “terrorism, treason, and espionage” in early November with another twenty-three defendants, six of them journalists.
Negash was recommended to Sampsonia Way by the staff of Committee to Protect Journalists. Now living in exile in Sweden, and after several technical problems with Skype, he talked with us about the effect of the anti-terrorism law on Ethiopian journalism, the law’s hand in the exile of Addis Neger’s staff, and denies the validity of the government’s charges against him. Negash also talked about his difficulties living and publishing in exile, and analyzes the Wikileaks cables that exposed his colleague to persecution.
Why did you decide it was time to leave Ethiopia?
Because we, the three founding editors that were still living in the country (Girma Tesfaw, Masresha Mamo and myself), confirmed that the government was preparing to charge us for promoting terrorism and supporting terrorist organizations. The government had a grudge against us and they decided to do something to silence us before the election in May 2010. We had very credible sources within the government and the diplomatic community for this information.
Before we decided to leave, the government tried to take us to court and started a smear campaign against our newspaper so that the public would associate us with so-called “terrorist organizations.” There were a series of articles and programs on government media outlets designed to sensitize the public so that when they finally arrested us it wouldn’t come as a surprise.
Can you give me an example of something that Addis Neger published that the government was not pleased with?
It was a cumulative effect, not a single article, that put us in danger. Addis Neger was more analytical than the other media outlets. We didn’t use the tabloid style of reporting. We wrote in-depth analysis, interviews and so on. Our paper focused on hardcore national issues.
We questioned the constitutionality of the laws approved by parliament that worked to weaken independent voices; the illegitimate, but calculated, confusion between party and government structures; the abuse of government policies and resources for personal and party benefit; the repression of independent political parties, citizen societies, journalists, and human rights activists. We also focused on diplomatic relations, given the fact that Ethiopia has a strategic importance for both the west and the east, including China.
We wrote heavily about the economic impact of these policies and diplomatic relations on the public and the education system. These topics were our main focus, contrary to most Ethiopian papers. We were very honest! We tried to give credit to the government when it performed something positive, but in most cases the articles were very damaging for them.
Even though the newspaper was critical of the ruling party, we were also courageous and balanced enough to give a regular column to one active member of the party. We gave him a full page every week to write whatever he liked, supporting or justifying his party and criticizing the opposition, et cetera. He was a regular contributor since the launch of our paper. Addis Neger was the first independent newspaper to bring in a member of the ruling party as a regular contributor. Because we were committed to have the ruling party’s view for the benefit of our readers, when the first contributor stopped writing we found another party member to write the column.
Another point of focus at Addis Neger was covering the most significant opposition groups at home and abroad. This includes the opposition coalition forum MEDREK and its members, Ginbot 7 and Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), two of the organizations designated as terrorist by the government…
The major political opposition parties in Ethiopia.
Right. The leader of Ginbot 7, Dr. Berhanu Nega, is now in exile in the United States. We wrote a feature about his organization. To the government, we were promoting them, but we hadn’t endorsed them. Actually, we have every right to write whatever we like—it’s normal in any civilized nation for a newspaper to endorse this party or that party on its editorial page. We didn’t do that, we only covered them. We were even critical of Ginbot 7 in some of those editorials. That didn’t protect us from being associated with a “terrorist” organization and the allegations of promoting “terrorists.” The Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) and the OLF were other groups deemed off-limits by the government. We published stories about all of these organizations, but I never considered it a crime.
We also reported on the repression and systematic infiltration of labor unions, professional associations, NGOs, and the indoctrination of students and civil servants—something that was only common in former Soviet Bloc countries. We focused on how the ruling TPLF [Tigrayan Peoples' Liberation Front] manipulates ethnic politics at the cost of Ethiopian nationalism. Of course, we also had a number of very critical articles against the opposition. It is there, anyone can read that.
The other very important topic, which aggravated relations with the government and our newspaper, is that we began to expose the inherent totalitarian nature of the regime. In most cases they wanted to cover it up with rhetoric. We uncovered their old documents—that in most cases are not accessible to the public—to understand how they see Ethiopian politics, society, and history. It was surprising, even for us. It became definitive that the Prime Minister and the cronies around him are not in power to bring democracy to Ethiopia. This became a kind of second-revelation for the opposition later on, and made the government very angry.
Another concern of the government was the symbolic significance of Addis Neger and its staff. Addis Neger created a solid readership among many educated young Ethiopians. The elite from different sections of society became our regular readers, informants, and supporters. We were only one embodiment of the demand for true political reform. There were readers who started regular group discussions inspired by our writings. There were incidents where members of the ruling party questioned their leaders based on what they read in our newspaper. In short, Addis Neger began to inspire people to think, discuss, debate and demand change in different forms. To be honest, this has never been our goal in doing journalism, but I am proud of it. What better gift can you give than inspiration? So the government decided to do something with us.
How you were able to get out of Ethiopia? Who helped you and where did you go? How about your family?
I can only say that I was in Uganda before I came to Sweden because that is already in public domain. I had people facilitate my safe exit from Ethiopia and travel to Uganda. I must keep their names for now. My wife and mother are still in Ethiopia.
How was your stay in Uganda before you ended up in Sweden?
During my stay in Uganda I was imprisoned and harassed by the police. It was no safer for me in Uganda than it was in Ethiopia. Since the July 2010 terrorist attack in Kampala, the situation has become very difficult for Ethiopians. At the time the Ugandans had invited the Ethiopian government into the investigation of that attack and Ethiopian security agents were in full force in Uganda. It became very simple for the Ethiopian forces to arrest, and in some cases torture, Ethiopian refugees in Uganda under the guise of “investigation” and combating “terrorism.”
IGAD [Intergovernmental Authority on Development in the Horn of Africa] had also signed regional conventions on extradition and mutual legal assistance in line with the United Nations’ Global Terrorism Strategy. This means Uganda and Ethiopia now exchange criminals and terrorists. Given Ethiopia’s track record of charging journalists as terrorists, it was very likely that I would be sent back to Ethiopia once I was in Uganda. I was taken in many times and questioned, but none of the questions were about the July terrorist attack. The questions were about whether or not I was working as a journalist in Uganda and who gave me permission to do so. The Ugandan Law of Refugees prohibits refugees from participating in any “political activity” that affects their county of origin. The police told me during the “interrogation” that my activity as a journalist can be considered unlawful and I should stop it or face the consequences. The Ugandan police force is very corrupt and since that second arrest I was repeatedly harassed by police. There was no choice but to give them a bribe so that I didn’t have to spend the night in the police station.
Uganda was not a safe place for me to stay and continue to work as a journalist. I gave notification about these worrisome developments to the United Nations High Commission for refugees and other regulating bodies in Kampala, but they couldn’t help me in any meaningful way. When I had the chance to come to Sweden to attend an international conference on exiled media, I decided to ask for asylum here.
Does Sweden have a system in place for refugees seeking asylum? Is the Swedish community supportive of writers in your position?
So far my asylum case is not yet finalized. I have been waiting for one year. The paradox of the situation is that the Swedish government issued the first statement against the closing of Addis Neger and the editorial staff going into exile, and called for an investigation. The reality, I found after I came here, is disappointing. I cannot apply to bring my family here until my application is approved. They have put me in a remote village far from the nearest city or the capital where many Ethiopians are living. I haven’t found any system here that treats writers, journalists, and human rights activists in any different manner than other refugees. I think greater support from the Swedish community for writers and journalists only happens once you are granted asylum.
However, Swedish chapters of PEN International and RSF wrote letters of support. International and regional organizations such CPJ, HRW, IPI, Front Line, IREX and others also wrote me letters and have given me moral support since I came here.
The authorities here don’t understand the reality in Ethiopia. Either they are indifferent to the plight of Ethiopians or they are deceived by the propaganda, willingly or not. The arrest of two Swedish journalists, rather, shows them a glimpse into the true nature of the Ethiopian government’s regard for journalists and freedom of speech.
Is it possible to publish in Ethiopia while in exile?
We launched our website, www.addisnegeronline.com in May 2010 just before the election in Ethiopia. I am still writing and managing the website along with my colleagues who are in exile all over the world. We are determined not to give what the Ethiopian government wants most from us, which is our silence at home and abroad.
Despite our effort to make it a vibrant media outlet, the website was blocked in Ethiopia, and we have gotten very little support so far. Additionally, the repression at home has a direct bearing on our day-to-day journalistic activity. Our informants at home are afraid because the government is tapping phones and hacking email accounts. This constitutes some of the evidence used to charge the Ethiopian journalists who have been imprisoned recently – we have official reports indicating this.
These days it is very difficult to call someone in Ethiopia and talk freely; they are very afraid! They will say, “We are fine, we are fine. How are you? Ok, goodnight.” You can imagine the effect of these factors on our reporting from exile. We need help so that we can establish a vibrant independent media outlet that will inform Ethiopians and provide anyone abroad with credible information.
As you mentioned, the trial of Swedish journalists Johan Persson and Martin Schibbye began several weeks ago. They were arrested in July and charged with terrorism. They entered Ethiopia illegally through the eastern Ogaden region. Prime Minister Zenawi spoke to a Norwegian newspaper recently, condemning the men as messengers for a terrorist organization. What is your response to the arrest of these men and to Zenawi’s comments?
They entered the country illegally, according to government reports. Entering a country illegally is illegal, no matter the country. The region of Ogaden is closed to all independent journalists, whether they are Ethiopian or not. However, we don’t know which side of the border they were on when they were arrested, whether it was in Somalia or Ethiopia. The journalists admitted that they crossed the border without permit, but it is difficult for me to buy this admission at face value. We must wait for their release to hear their side of the story.
This is another international incident that shows the world the true nature of the Ethiopian regime in Addis Ababa. The regime is manipulating this anti-terrorism mantra to silence dissident voices and reporting.
As for Meles Zenawi’s comment, it is normal for Ethiopians to hear such incriminating comments from him. It is Zenawi who decides the outcome of any politically significant trial in Ethiopia. This was not the first time he has done it, not the last for sure. He is above the courts and rule of law.
Swedish Journalists have rallied to demand the release of their colleagues. Did you participate in that demonstration? Have you been active with the Swedish media in any other way?
I attended the demonstration and added my voice there, demanding their release. I also worked with electronic and print journalists, explaining the reality on the ground in Ethiopia and the possible scenarios involving the fates of Persson and Schibbye.
In June, Woubeshet Taye, the deputy editor of the Amharic-language weekly Awramba Times, and Reyot Alemu, a reporter for the Amharic-language weekly Fitih, were arrested and tried under the anti-terrorism law. Eskinder Neger and Sileshi Hagos were arrested in September. Others were held: Haileyesus Worku, the editor of the state-owned Ethiopian Radio and Television Agency and one of his reporters, Abdulsemed Mohammed, were just released after being held for fifteen months. How can an Ethiopian reporter cover the activities of Ethiopia’s leading opposition figure, Berhanu Nega, or an attack by the ONLF rebels without risking prosecution and imprisonment?
I’d like to explain the intonation of the articles and the anti-terrorism law, regarding freedom of speech. In addition to the official mantra of controlling and preventing terrorism, another sub-text of this anti-terrorism law is silencing dissenting views.
By criminalizing opposition groups, they are also criminalizing any exchange of ideas about these groups. It is a double trap. On the one hand they are criminalizing being a member of said groups and their existence; on the other hand, you can’t even discuss what these organizations stand for, whether their political strategy is bad or not. This is one of the instruments that the government is using to control the flow of information within the country. If an Ethiopian reporter writes about Ginbot 7, OLF, ONLF, or its leaders, he is intentionally taking the risk of being associated with these organizations.
These are Cold War Communist tactics or tactics similar to those used by North Korea. They want to have full control over what the public hears and sees, and ultimately thinks. This is not limited to the media. The government, for example, distributed a guideline for public theaters to influence the content of their plays. The guideline specifically outlines what issues the plays should focus on. We published a feature story regarding this typically communist strategy.
We hear how Gaddafi was a dictator, how Mugabe is a dictator. The Ethiopian regime, in some instances, is worse than them! However, the Ethiopian dictator has one unique quality: He knows what the international community wants to hear and he uses their language. Furthermore, he must be pleased to have a stateless Somalia next door, as the West has become dependent on him to wage the so called “war on terrorism.” They close their eyes to everything happening on the ground.
In September a colleague of yours, Argaw Arshine, fled Ethiopia after Wikileaks released a 2009 U.S. Embassy post that indicated him and an unnamed government official of providing information to the staff at your paper. This incident is what propelled you to close Addis Neger and leave Ethiopia. Have you had contact with him since he left Ethiopia and if so, where is he now?
I do have information about Arshines’ present condition, but I must keep it to myself. It is complicated.
When this information was released Arshine was repeatedly interrogated and forced by police to name his contact in the government. The government claims that questioning of this kind is illegal and he had no reason to flee, but clearly he felt some imminent threat or he wouldn’t have left the country. Is he safe?
He is very safe in an undisclosed location. While still in Ethiopia, he was summoned by the commander of the federal police and was given twenty-four hours to release the name of his government informant. If he had released that person’s name, that person would be in great danger. The government would be very harsh on them to teach a lesson to other potential whistle blowers.
If Arshine had stayed in Ethiopia and refused to give the name, he would have been charged with spying on the government, which is a sentence of potentially ten years or more, not to mention the possibility of being tortured.
Wikileaks has gone on the defense and feigned responsibility for leaking Argaw Ashine’s name. They want the focus to be put back on the repressive Zenawi regime. This has spurred a debate about Wikileaks’ responsibility versus people’s right to information and government transparency. Do you think Wikileaks should be held accountable for failing to protect the names of individuals?
I believe both sides should take their share of the responsibility. The regime in Ethiopia wants to control every source of information. What matters for the government is not whether the report is true or not, but who leaked it.
Wikileaks wants to transfer the blame to The Guardian or the nature of the regime in Ethiopia. No, not at all! One can argue that, in this case, Ashine was acting as a whistle blower, not as a journalist. Therefore Wikileaks is exposing whistle blowers, which is very dangerous; it’s very easy to prosecute whistle blowers in many countries. Thus it is very regrettable that Wikileaks published the cable without editing Ashine’s name. He left his family, his life, his career in Ethiopia and had to start over from zero. He didn’t even have enough time to prepare. After Wikileaks published the cables, Ashine had to be out of the country within a week. After two days he was summoned by the federal police, interrogated, and given an ultimatum. I wonder how the people at Wikileaks can excuse themselves so easily.
We are hoping for a positive outcome for you and your family, and the continuation of your writing.
Thank you. As I said before, we shouldn’t give the dictators what they want, which is our silence whether at home or abroad. Therefore, I will continue writing and inspiring people as much as possible.
Mesfin Negash calls himself a journalist and refuses to be tagged political, activist, or opponent. Since 2001 he has written and edited in-depth analysis, interviews, features, and essays that have criticized Ethiopia’s government as well as its opposition. In 2007 along with five colleagues, he founded the newspaper Addis Neger (New Affairs), which under his direction grew to be one of Ethiopia’s leading newspapers.
Two years after its opening, Addis Neger, as any other independent media outlet in Ethiopia, faced intimidation and harassment as a consequence of Ethiopia’s anti-terrorism law. This law criminalizes any reporting that directly or indirectly “encourages” or provides “moral support” to “terrorist groups.” It has become the biggest threat for the country’s journalists as the government deems what is “encouraging” and labels what a “terrorist group” is.
Despite the law, Addis Neger maintained its policy of covering all the actors of its society, including the opposition, and scrutinized official documents of the ruling party and policies. That was the tipping point for the government to charge the Addis Neger staff with terrorism and force them into exile. Negash was officially charged by the government for “terrorism, treason, and espionage” in early November with another twenty-three defendants, six of them journalists.
Negash was recommended to Sampsonia Way by the staff of Committee to Protect Journalists. Now living in exile in Sweden, and after several technical problems with Skype, he talked with us about the effect of the anti-terrorism law on Ethiopian journalism, the law’s hand in the exile of Addis Neger’s staff, and denies the validity of the government’s charges against him. Negash also talked about his difficulties living and publishing in exile, and analyzes the Wikileaks cables that exposed his colleague to persecution.
Why did you decide it was time to leave Ethiopia?
Because we, the three founding editors that were still living in the country (Girma Tesfaw, Masresha Mamo and myself), confirmed that the government was preparing to charge us for promoting terrorism and supporting terrorist organizations. The government had a grudge against us and they decided to do something to silence us before the election in May 2010. We had very credible sources within the government and the diplomatic community for this information.
Before we decided to leave, the government tried to take us to court and started a smear campaign against our newspaper so that the public would associate us with so-called “terrorist organizations.” There were a series of articles and programs on government media outlets designed to sensitize the public so that when they finally arrested us it wouldn’t come as a surprise.
Can you give me an example of something that Addis Neger published that the government was not pleased with?
It was a cumulative effect, not a single article, that put us in danger. Addis Neger was more analytical than the other media outlets. We didn’t use the tabloid style of reporting. We wrote in-depth analysis, interviews and so on. Our paper focused on hardcore national issues.
We questioned the constitutionality of the laws approved by parliament that worked to weaken independent voices; the illegitimate, but calculated, confusion between party and government structures; the abuse of government policies and resources for personal and party benefit; the repression of independent political parties, citizen societies, journalists, and human rights activists. We also focused on diplomatic relations, given the fact that Ethiopia has a strategic importance for both the west and the east, including China.
We wrote heavily about the economic impact of these policies and diplomatic relations on the public and the education system. These topics were our main focus, contrary to most Ethiopian papers. We were very honest! We tried to give credit to the government when it performed something positive, but in most cases the articles were very damaging for them.
Even though the newspaper was critical of the ruling party, we were also courageous and balanced enough to give a regular column to one active member of the party. We gave him a full page every week to write whatever he liked, supporting or justifying his party and criticizing the opposition, et cetera. He was a regular contributor since the launch of our paper. Addis Neger was the first independent newspaper to bring in a member of the ruling party as a regular contributor. Because we were committed to have the ruling party’s view for the benefit of our readers, when the first contributor stopped writing we found another party member to write the column.
Another point of focus at Addis Neger was covering the most significant opposition groups at home and abroad. This includes the opposition coalition forum MEDREK and its members, Ginbot 7 and Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), two of the organizations designated as terrorist by the government…
The major political opposition parties in Ethiopia.
Right. The leader of Ginbot 7, Dr. Berhanu Nega, is now in exile in the United States. We wrote a feature about his organization. To the government, we were promoting them, but we hadn’t endorsed them. Actually, we have every right to write whatever we like—it’s normal in any civilized nation for a newspaper to endorse this party or that party on its editorial page. We didn’t do that, we only covered them. We were even critical of Ginbot 7 in some of those editorials. That didn’t protect us from being associated with a “terrorist” organization and the allegations of promoting “terrorists.” The Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) and the OLF were other groups deemed off-limits by the government. We published stories about all of these organizations, but I never considered it a crime.
We also reported on the repression and systematic infiltration of labor unions, professional associations, NGOs, and the indoctrination of students and civil servants—something that was only common in former Soviet Bloc countries. We focused on how the ruling TPLF [Tigrayan Peoples' Liberation Front] manipulates ethnic politics at the cost of Ethiopian nationalism. Of course, we also had a number of very critical articles against the opposition. It is there, anyone can read that.
The other very important topic, which aggravated relations with the government and our newspaper, is that we began to expose the inherent totalitarian nature of the regime. In most cases they wanted to cover it up with rhetoric. We uncovered their old documents—that in most cases are not accessible to the public—to understand how they see Ethiopian politics, society, and history. It was surprising, even for us. It became definitive that the Prime Minister and the cronies around him are not in power to bring democracy to Ethiopia. This became a kind of second-revelation for the opposition later on, and made the government very angry.
Another concern of the government was the symbolic significance of Addis Neger and its staff. Addis Neger created a solid readership among many educated young Ethiopians. The elite from different sections of society became our regular readers, informants, and supporters. We were only one embodiment of the demand for true political reform. There were readers who started regular group discussions inspired by our writings. There were incidents where members of the ruling party questioned their leaders based on what they read in our newspaper. In short, Addis Neger began to inspire people to think, discuss, debate and demand change in different forms. To be honest, this has never been our goal in doing journalism, but I am proud of it. What better gift can you give than inspiration? So the government decided to do something with us.
How you were able to get out of Ethiopia? Who helped you and where did you go? How about your family?
I can only say that I was in Uganda before I came to Sweden because that is already in public domain. I had people facilitate my safe exit from Ethiopia and travel to Uganda. I must keep their names for now. My wife and mother are still in Ethiopia.
How was your stay in Uganda before you ended up in Sweden?
During my stay in Uganda I was imprisoned and harassed by the police. It was no safer for me in Uganda than it was in Ethiopia. Since the July 2010 terrorist attack in Kampala, the situation has become very difficult for Ethiopians. At the time the Ugandans had invited the Ethiopian government into the investigation of that attack and Ethiopian security agents were in full force in Uganda. It became very simple for the Ethiopian forces to arrest, and in some cases torture, Ethiopian refugees in Uganda under the guise of “investigation” and combating “terrorism.”
IGAD [Intergovernmental Authority on Development in the Horn of Africa] had also signed regional conventions on extradition and mutual legal assistance in line with the United Nations’ Global Terrorism Strategy. This means Uganda and Ethiopia now exchange criminals and terrorists. Given Ethiopia’s track record of charging journalists as terrorists, it was very likely that I would be sent back to Ethiopia once I was in Uganda. I was taken in many times and questioned, but none of the questions were about the July terrorist attack. The questions were about whether or not I was working as a journalist in Uganda and who gave me permission to do so. The Ugandan Law of Refugees prohibits refugees from participating in any “political activity” that affects their county of origin. The police told me during the “interrogation” that my activity as a journalist can be considered unlawful and I should stop it or face the consequences. The Ugandan police force is very corrupt and since that second arrest I was repeatedly harassed by police. There was no choice but to give them a bribe so that I didn’t have to spend the night in the police station.
Uganda was not a safe place for me to stay and continue to work as a journalist. I gave notification about these worrisome developments to the United Nations High Commission for refugees and other regulating bodies in Kampala, but they couldn’t help me in any meaningful way. When I had the chance to come to Sweden to attend an international conference on exiled media, I decided to ask for asylum here.
Does Sweden have a system in place for refugees seeking asylum? Is the Swedish community supportive of writers in your position?
So far my asylum case is not yet finalized. I have been waiting for one year. The paradox of the situation is that the Swedish government issued the first statement against the closing of Addis Neger and the editorial staff going into exile, and called for an investigation. The reality, I found after I came here, is disappointing. I cannot apply to bring my family here until my application is approved. They have put me in a remote village far from the nearest city or the capital where many Ethiopians are living. I haven’t found any system here that treats writers, journalists, and human rights activists in any different manner than other refugees. I think greater support from the Swedish community for writers and journalists only happens once you are granted asylum.
However, Swedish chapters of PEN International and RSF wrote letters of support. International and regional organizations such CPJ, HRW, IPI, Front Line, IREX and others also wrote me letters and have given me moral support since I came here.
The authorities here don’t understand the reality in Ethiopia. Either they are indifferent to the plight of Ethiopians or they are deceived by the propaganda, willingly or not. The arrest of two Swedish journalists, rather, shows them a glimpse into the true nature of the Ethiopian government’s regard for journalists and freedom of speech.
Is it possible to publish in Ethiopia while in exile?
We launched our website, www.addisnegeronline.com in May 2010 just before the election in Ethiopia. I am still writing and managing the website along with my colleagues who are in exile all over the world. We are determined not to give what the Ethiopian government wants most from us, which is our silence at home and abroad.
Despite our effort to make it a vibrant media outlet, the website was blocked in Ethiopia, and we have gotten very little support so far. Additionally, the repression at home has a direct bearing on our day-to-day journalistic activity. Our informants at home are afraid because the government is tapping phones and hacking email accounts. This constitutes some of the evidence used to charge the Ethiopian journalists who have been imprisoned recently – we have official reports indicating this.
These days it is very difficult to call someone in Ethiopia and talk freely; they are very afraid! They will say, “We are fine, we are fine. How are you? Ok, goodnight.” You can imagine the effect of these factors on our reporting from exile. We need help so that we can establish a vibrant independent media outlet that will inform Ethiopians and provide anyone abroad with credible information.
As you mentioned, the trial of Swedish journalists Johan Persson and Martin Schibbye began several weeks ago. They were arrested in July and charged with terrorism. They entered Ethiopia illegally through the eastern Ogaden region. Prime Minister Zenawi spoke to a Norwegian newspaper recently, condemning the men as messengers for a terrorist organization. What is your response to the arrest of these men and to Zenawi’s comments?
They entered the country illegally, according to government reports. Entering a country illegally is illegal, no matter the country. The region of Ogaden is closed to all independent journalists, whether they are Ethiopian or not. However, we don’t know which side of the border they were on when they were arrested, whether it was in Somalia or Ethiopia. The journalists admitted that they crossed the border without permit, but it is difficult for me to buy this admission at face value. We must wait for their release to hear their side of the story.
This is another international incident that shows the world the true nature of the Ethiopian regime in Addis Ababa. The regime is manipulating this anti-terrorism mantra to silence dissident voices and reporting.
As for Meles Zenawi’s comment, it is normal for Ethiopians to hear such incriminating comments from him. It is Zenawi who decides the outcome of any politically significant trial in Ethiopia. This was not the first time he has done it, not the last for sure. He is above the courts and rule of law.
Swedish Journalists have rallied to demand the release of their colleagues. Did you participate in that demonstration? Have you been active with the Swedish media in any other way?
I attended the demonstration and added my voice there, demanding their release. I also worked with electronic and print journalists, explaining the reality on the ground in Ethiopia and the possible scenarios involving the fates of Persson and Schibbye.
In June, Woubeshet Taye, the deputy editor of the Amharic-language weekly Awramba Times, and Reyot Alemu, a reporter for the Amharic-language weekly Fitih, were arrested and tried under the anti-terrorism law. Eskinder Neger and Sileshi Hagos were arrested in September. Others were held: Haileyesus Worku, the editor of the state-owned Ethiopian Radio and Television Agency and one of his reporters, Abdulsemed Mohammed, were just released after being held for fifteen months. How can an Ethiopian reporter cover the activities of Ethiopia’s leading opposition figure, Berhanu Nega, or an attack by the ONLF rebels without risking prosecution and imprisonment?
I’d like to explain the intonation of the articles and the anti-terrorism law, regarding freedom of speech. In addition to the official mantra of controlling and preventing terrorism, another sub-text of this anti-terrorism law is silencing dissenting views.
By criminalizing opposition groups, they are also criminalizing any exchange of ideas about these groups. It is a double trap. On the one hand they are criminalizing being a member of said groups and their existence; on the other hand, you can’t even discuss what these organizations stand for, whether their political strategy is bad or not. This is one of the instruments that the government is using to control the flow of information within the country. If an Ethiopian reporter writes about Ginbot 7, OLF, ONLF, or its leaders, he is intentionally taking the risk of being associated with these organizations.
These are Cold War Communist tactics or tactics similar to those used by North Korea. They want to have full control over what the public hears and sees, and ultimately thinks. This is not limited to the media. The government, for example, distributed a guideline for public theaters to influence the content of their plays. The guideline specifically outlines what issues the plays should focus on. We published a feature story regarding this typically communist strategy.
We hear how Gaddafi was a dictator, how Mugabe is a dictator. The Ethiopian regime, in some instances, is worse than them! However, the Ethiopian dictator has one unique quality: He knows what the international community wants to hear and he uses their language. Furthermore, he must be pleased to have a stateless Somalia next door, as the West has become dependent on him to wage the so called “war on terrorism.” They close their eyes to everything happening on the ground.
In September a colleague of yours, Argaw Arshine, fled Ethiopia after Wikileaks released a 2009 U.S. Embassy post that indicated him and an unnamed government official of providing information to the staff at your paper. This incident is what propelled you to close Addis Neger and leave Ethiopia. Have you had contact with him since he left Ethiopia and if so, where is he now?
I do have information about Arshines’ present condition, but I must keep it to myself. It is complicated.
When this information was released Arshine was repeatedly interrogated and forced by police to name his contact in the government. The government claims that questioning of this kind is illegal and he had no reason to flee, but clearly he felt some imminent threat or he wouldn’t have left the country. Is he safe?
He is very safe in an undisclosed location. While still in Ethiopia, he was summoned by the commander of the federal police and was given twenty-four hours to release the name of his government informant. If he had released that person’s name, that person would be in great danger. The government would be very harsh on them to teach a lesson to other potential whistle blowers.
If Arshine had stayed in Ethiopia and refused to give the name, he would have been charged with spying on the government, which is a sentence of potentially ten years or more, not to mention the possibility of being tortured.
Wikileaks has gone on the defense and feigned responsibility for leaking Argaw Ashine’s name. They want the focus to be put back on the repressive Zenawi regime. This has spurred a debate about Wikileaks’ responsibility versus people’s right to information and government transparency. Do you think Wikileaks should be held accountable for failing to protect the names of individuals?
I believe both sides should take their share of the responsibility. The regime in Ethiopia wants to control every source of information. What matters for the government is not whether the report is true or not, but who leaked it.
Wikileaks wants to transfer the blame to The Guardian or the nature of the regime in Ethiopia. No, not at all! One can argue that, in this case, Ashine was acting as a whistle blower, not as a journalist. Therefore Wikileaks is exposing whistle blowers, which is very dangerous; it’s very easy to prosecute whistle blowers in many countries. Thus it is very regrettable that Wikileaks published the cable without editing Ashine’s name. He left his family, his life, his career in Ethiopia and had to start over from zero. He didn’t even have enough time to prepare. After Wikileaks published the cables, Ashine had to be out of the country within a week. After two days he was summoned by the federal police, interrogated, and given an ultimatum. I wonder how the people at Wikileaks can excuse themselves so easily.
We are hoping for a positive outcome for you and your family, and the continuation of your writing.
Thank you. As I said before, we shouldn’t give the dictators what they want, which is our silence whether at home or abroad. Therefore, I will continue writing and inspiring people as much as possible.
Ethiopians in Germany Rally in Frankfurt Against the Meles Regime
By Abinet Belay
Ethiopians living in Germany held a demonstration in Frankfurt on November 29, 2011 against the dictatorial regime of Ethiopia. The rally was organised in rememberance of the massacre of innocent Ethiopians who fall victim in June and November 2005 to the unbridled acts of the terrorist government of Meles.
The protesters demanded the immediate and unconditional release of all political prisioners languishing in the notorious prisons of Ethiopia. Standing before the Consulate General of Ethiopia in Frankfurt, they also burned Meles Zenawi's photo and called for the removal of his government.
Organisers of the rally have informed the gathering that similar demonstrations will take place in different parts of Germany in the near future.
Ethiopians living in Germany held a demonstration in Frankfurt on November 29, 2011 against the dictatorial regime of Ethiopia. The rally was organised in rememberance of the massacre of innocent Ethiopians who fall victim in June and November 2005 to the unbridled acts of the terrorist government of Meles.
The protesters demanded the immediate and unconditional release of all political prisioners languishing in the notorious prisons of Ethiopia. Standing before the Consulate General of Ethiopia in Frankfurt, they also burned Meles Zenawi's photo and called for the removal of his government.
Organisers of the rally have informed the gathering that similar demonstrations will take place in different parts of Germany in the near future.
Tuesday, November 15, 2011
Ethiopian man burns himself to death in protest
Events in Ethiopia have taken a disturbing turn following reports that a teacher in his late 20s burnt himself alive last week in protest against the ongoing brutal clampdown on dissent in the country. According to reports Yenesew Gebre made an impassioned plea at a protest gathering before dowsing himself in petrol and setting himself on fire.
It is understood that Gebre died from his injuries three days later at the Tercha city local hospital.
Renewed crackdownAccording to sources who spoke to the satellite TV station, ESAT, Yenesew had been campaigning against injustice at the hands of ruling party officials. It also appears that he had been fired from his teaching position because of his political views.
The event happened at a public meetng on November 11, aimed at resolving a series of local protests.
It was during the meeting that Yenesew Gebre reportedly spoke out against President Meles Zenawi’s regime. When security agents tried to stop him, Yeneneh walked out of the meeting hall and set himself alight infront of the other protesters gathered in the compound.
‘While fire was engulfing his whole body, he was calling for justice, freedom and democracy and urged people to rise up against the oppressors. He wanted martyrdom … he chose to sacrifice his life for the sake of liberty and justice,’ a local source who witnessed the shocking incident told ESAT.
According to close friends, Yenesew Gebre was widely respected and well known for raising serious issues and challenging authorities.
In a bid to quash any further protests in the area, the federal police and the security services have reportedly sealed off the town. The regime has cut telephone lines to prevent the news of Yenesew’s death from spreading across Ethiopia, according to ESAT.
Zelalem Tessema, spokesman from Mass Advocacy of Communities, Ethiopia (MACE) a Diaspora group based in the UK, told the Bureau: ‘This unprecedented form of self-sacrifice has caused shock and anger amongst his compatriots both at home and abroad. Gebre’s action demonstrates the high level of despair prevailing amongst the public at large that is firmly under the brutal rule of Meles Zenawi.’
Concerted CrackdownYenesew Gebre’s death follows a recent investigation by the Bureau and BBC Newsnight into allegations of torture, repression and the political manipulation of foreign aid. The report was strongly denied by representatives of President Meles Zenawi.
Read the full investigation Ethiopia Aid Exposed here.
The Bureau has been told of a concerted crackdown following the broadcast, particularly in the southern region. ‘Sadly there has been a crackdown by the security forces on people who have suspected to have cooperated with the programme,’ said Zelalem Tessema. ‘And certainly we’ve got reports that people have been arrested, some people have been questioned by security forces and some people have left the area in fear of what would follow.’
Widespread OppressionThe crackdown has intensified and spread to other areas of the country, according to members of the Ethiopian community in the UK. The Bureau has learned that at least 40 opposition politicians, their supporters and journalists have been arrested by security forces in recent months. Many are being held in the Central Investigation Centre in Maikelawi where allegations of torture are rife.
The most prominent are Bekele Gerba and Olbana Lelisa, opposition leaders in Oromia, Andualaem Arage the vice chairman of Unity Democracy and Justice Party and the prominent journalist Eskinder Nega.
Related article: Reign of terror in Maikelawi detention centre
The government has been accused of using sweeping anti-terror legislation passed in 2009 to crush dissent. The definitions of terrorist activity under the law are broad and ambiguous. It permits a clamp down on political demonstrations and public criticisms of government policy. The law criminalises any reporting that authorities deem to ‘encourage’ or ‘provide moral support’ to groups the government has labelled ‘terrorists.’
Media TargetedThe legislation is also being used to stifle Ethiopia’s media. Last week a judge in Ethiopia’s federal high court charged six journalists with terrorism. According to the New York based campaign group – the Committee to Protect Journalists, (CPJ), 10 journalists have now been charged with terrorism related offences since June.
‘Ethiopia’s terrorism charges against journalists critical of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi’s government are becoming vague and ludicrous,’ said CPJ East Africa Consultant Tom Rhodes. ‘The authorities have failed to provide any hard evidence and should drop these charges immediately.’
In an interview with Agence France-Presse, government spokesman Shimelis Kemal accused the journalists of ‘abetting, aiding, and supporting a terrorist group.’
And the crack-down is not confined to Ethiopian nationals. Earlier this month an Ethiopian court said two Swedish journalists must face charges of helping a terrorist group and entering the country illegally. Reporter Martin Schibbye and photographer Johan Persson were charged with terrorism after they were arrested crossing from Puntland into Ethiopia’s troubled Ogaden region with members of the banned Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) in July.
If found guilty, they could face a maximum of 15 years in jail.
Related article: Ethiopian media gagged by anti-terror laws
In August, a delegation from Amnesty International was expelled from Ethiopia. Speaking shortly after her expulsion from the country, Amnesty’s Claire Beston told the Bureau: ‘Civil society activists have said the situation is rapidly deteriorating – to use their words. Journalists are more afraid even than they were before, and we are even talking about a significant climate of fear – all those groups are already operating in a climate of fear.’
Foreign Tourists under SurveillanceIn a separate move it has also been reported that the government is targeting tour operators to monitor the movements of foreign nationals on holiday following the Bureau’s original investigation. The Bureau/Newsnight team entered the country on tourist visas posing as holidaymakers.
According to the Indian Ocean Newsletter, representatives of the tour operators active in the country were summoned to a meeting at the ministry of transport in Addis Ababa last month. It says that during the meeting the tour operators were blatantly asked to include an Ethiopian intelligence officer from now on.
It says: ‘According to one source present at the meeting, the instructions from the government official specified that the tour operators should meet the agent’s expenses. The agent’s job will be to keep a watch on all the movements of the visitors and determine their reason for going to Ethiopia.
‘This measure follows on a recent BBC report criticising the situation in the Ogaden region and the political use the Ethiopian government made of international aid,’ states the Newsletter. ‘It would appear that from now on the Ethiopian authorities want to prevent foreign journalists from entering the country with tourist visas and travelling around the country.’
The Bureau asked the Ethiopian Embassy in London for a response to the death of Yenesew Gebre and the allegations concerning the current government crack-down. It is yet to respond.
Wednesday, October 12, 2011
Karuturi to outsource Ethiopian land to Indian farmers
Raghuvir Badrinath / Bangalore October 12, 2011, 1:03 IST
Karuturi Global, the city-based publicly-held floriculture major and one of the world’s largest exporter of roses which is aggressively rolling out an agriculture business venture in Ethiopia, is looking at outsourcing 20,000 hectares of farm land in the African nation to Indian farmers on a revenue-sharing basis.
The company has leased 300,000 hectares in Gambela, in the western corner of Ethiopia. It has been looking to develop a bouquet of crops such as paddy, maize, cereals, palm oil, and sugarcane, among others, to cater to the huge demand in Africa and also look at the export market. According to senior officials of Karuturi, they have taken possession of 100,000 hectares, and after the completion of this, they will be able to take possession of another 200,000 hectares. And here is the rest of it.
Meles met by protests
Norwegian News
A chorus of critics demonstrated outside the Oslo hotel where Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi was attending an international energy conference this week. He brushed off the criticism, while Norwegian leaders say they took up some of it with him.
A chorus of critics demonstrated outside the Oslo hotel where Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi was attending an international energy conference this week. He brushed off the criticism, while Norwegian leaders say they took up some of it with him.
“Norwegian and other countries’ organizations think they have a right to involve themselves in African countries’ politics,” Meles Zenawi told newspaperAftenposten. “At the same time, I, as an Ethiopian, have no right to involve myself in Norwegian affairs. We have never accepted this double standard.”
He said that Norway can gladly “help us” in economic issues, “and say what you think.” But he warned outsiders from meddling in Ethiopia’s political processes.
Norway has donated around NOK 1.4 billion in aid to Ethiopia over the past six years, and Norwegian Prime Minister Jens Stoltenberg has worked closely with Meles Zenawi on a UN-backed effort to raise funds for measures to halt climate change. That’s at least partly why Meles Zenawi was in Oslo this week, to take part in the latest conference involving energy and climate issues. While he was welcomed by his Norwegian hosts, Aftenposten reported how demonstrators outside the Radisson Blu Hotel in downtown Oslo were chanting “shame, shame, shame.” Most of the demonstrators were Ethiopian-Norwegians who are not at all happy with Meles Zenawi’s rule back home.“This is a man who imprisons journalists and opposition groups,” Adam Mulualem Zerikun, one of the organizers of the demonstration, told Aftenposten. He accused Meles Zenawi of gathering all political power in an ethnic group that makes up only a small percentage of the population, of prohibiting aid organizations and impartial observerser into southern portions of the country and of turning Ethiopia into a dictatorship.
Meles Zenawi was unmoved. “If they don’t agree with the government’s politics, it’s natural they protest,” he told Aftenposten. He also stressed that Ethiopia has never been a colony and that’s why aid organizations aren’t allowed to get involved in political activities, including promotion of human rights.
After 20 years of rule, he has won international acclaim for boosting Ethiopia’s economy, but he’s also attracted criticism for a lack of progress on human rights and democracy. Most recently his government reportedly has used an anti-terror law to imprison hundreds of journalists and political opponents, including two Swedish journalists. Meles Zenawi insisted they were messengers for a terrorist organization.
Stoltenberg said he took up the issue of the imprisoned Swedes with Meles Zenawi on Monday, along with reports of murder and abuse of civilians in Ogaden. Yet he and government minister Erik Solheim also hailed the Ethiopian leader for promoting stability and growth in Africa.
“We’re working with Ethiopia to fight poverty,” Stoltenberg said. “Trade and investment are closely tied to improvement of human rights.”
Zenawi calls jailed Swedish journalists terror accomplices
(CPJ) New York, October 11, 2011--Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi's public accusations on Monday against two imprisoned Swedish journalists compromise the presumption of their innocence and predetermine the outcome of their case, the Committee to Protect Journalists said today. The journalists were arrested in Ethiopia in July and charged with terrorism for associating with armed separatists. In July, Johan Persson and Martin Schibbye, contributors to the Sweden-based photo agency Kontinent, were arrested after they crossed with rebels of the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) into Ogaden, an oil-rich province where the media is barred independent access. Earlier this year, the Ethiopian government formally designated the ONLF a terrorist group under an anti-terrorism law. Under this 2009 law, journalists risk up to 20 years in prison if the government deems their reporting favorable to groups designated as terrorists. Both journalists were charged without their lawyers present, CPJ research shows.
In a Monday interview with Norwegian newspaper Aftenposten, Zenawi said Persson and Schibbye were accomplices to terrorists. "They are, at the very least, messenger boys of a terrorist organization. They are not journalists," the prime minister said. "Why would a journalist be involved with a terrorist organization and enter a country with that terrorist organization, escorted by armed terrorists, and participate in a fighting in which this terrorist organization was involved? If that is journalism, I don't know what terrorism is."
Zenawi then singled out Persson, citing footage in a government-produced video released by authorities in July in which the journalist is seen handling a weapon. "We have video clippings of this journalist training with the rebels," the prime minister said. In the same video, Schibbye is heard being told by Ethiopian security to say to the camera, "We came to the Ogaden region to do interviews with the ONLF," according to CPJ research.
"Since arresting Johan Persson and Martin Schibbye, the Ethiopian government has compromised their fundamental rights of defense--chiefly, the presumption of innocence--by portraying them in the media as accomplices to terrorists, charging them with terrorism without the presence of their lawyers, and making accusatory statements against them, like those by Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, which appear to predetermine the outcome of their trial before it even starts," said CPJ Africa Advocacy Coordinator Mohamed Keita. "We call on the Ethiopian judiciary to guarantee both journalists a fair trial in what has become a politicized case."
In the interview, Zenawi called the journalists' case "an issue of crime, an ordinary criminal issue," and said, "Those who want to enter Ethiopia legally are not being prevented from entering the country legally, including journalists." However, media in Sweden reported on Monday that not one Swedish journalist who had applied for a visa to attend the journalists' October 18 trial had been approved yet.
With eight journalists behind bars, Ethiopia trails only Eritrea as the foremost jailer of journalists in Africa, according to CPJ research. Ethiopia's repression of the independent press has also driven into exile the largest number of journalists in the world, according to a CPJ study. Yet Zenawi told Aftenposten that Ethiopia was "moving in the right direction" in terms of human rights. "We have reached a very advanced stage of rule of law and respect for human rights," he said. "Fundamentally, this is a country where democratic rights of people are respected."
Zenawi then singled out Persson, citing footage in a government-produced video released by authorities in July in which the journalist is seen handling a weapon. "We have video clippings of this journalist training with the rebels," the prime minister said. In the same video, Schibbye is heard being told by Ethiopian security to say to the camera, "We came to the Ogaden region to do interviews with the ONLF," according to CPJ research.
"Since arresting Johan Persson and Martin Schibbye, the Ethiopian government has compromised their fundamental rights of defense--chiefly, the presumption of innocence--by portraying them in the media as accomplices to terrorists, charging them with terrorism without the presence of their lawyers, and making accusatory statements against them, like those by Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, which appear to predetermine the outcome of their trial before it even starts," said CPJ Africa Advocacy Coordinator Mohamed Keita. "We call on the Ethiopian judiciary to guarantee both journalists a fair trial in what has become a politicized case."
In the interview, Zenawi called the journalists' case "an issue of crime, an ordinary criminal issue," and said, "Those who want to enter Ethiopia legally are not being prevented from entering the country legally, including journalists." However, media in Sweden reported on Monday that not one Swedish journalist who had applied for a visa to attend the journalists' October 18 trial had been approved yet.
With eight journalists behind bars, Ethiopia trails only Eritrea as the foremost jailer of journalists in Africa, according to CPJ research. Ethiopia's repression of the independent press has also driven into exile the largest number of journalists in the world, according to a CPJ study. Yet Zenawi told Aftenposten that Ethiopia was "moving in the right direction" in terms of human rights. "We have reached a very advanced stage of rule of law and respect for human rights," he said. "Fundamentally, this is a country where democratic rights of people are respected."
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