Addis Neger
Two unidentified Internet Café users are reportedly arrested on Tuesday while they were using a Café around 4 kilo. Sources that were in the Cafe told Addis Neger reporters that security agents in plain clothes took the two individuals with computers they were using. The owner of the Café was told that the arrest is “related with terrorism” and the PCs to be returned after investigation.
According to a source who was in the café during the arrest, all users were told to shutdown their computers while the two were separated for investigation and the café closed for about 20 minutes. The security operatives entered the café after the two “suspects” opened email accounts and websites. The two was ordered to leave their seat without closing their accounts and sites they were visiting.
“It is shocking to see people using Internet café besides you are arrested for terrorism,” another witness told Addis Neger. We can establish neither the identity nor the where about of the two people arrested. However, all our sources identified them as “youth in their 20s or probably early 30s.” Addis Neger refrained from mentioning the exact name and location of the Internet Café to protect their business interest.
Addis Neger reporters confirmed that Internet cafés in Addis Ababa are becoming targets of the security operatives in recent months. One of our reporters witnessed last week a young Internet user, in one of the Cafés around Piassa, told by security agents to close down Ethiopian opposition websites. Another customer of the same area told Addis Neger that he was picked by three government agents while leaving the Café and warned that “visiting anit-peace websites using proxy servers is a crime” and advised “to correct such bad habits.” Though remained unconfirmed, similar reports are coming from other parts of the City in the last three weeks.
4 kilo is the among the most popular centers of Addis Ababa surrounded by Addis Ababa University Campuses and other institutions, famous cafes, internet centers/cafes and book stores. Similarly, Piassa is a historical land mark and the center of the City crowded by businesses of all kinds.
Sunday, August 14, 2011
Ethiopian perspectives on London riots
By Eskinder Nega
Had it transpired anywhere in the US, home to world-famous Uzi-brandishing street gangs, hardly any other person but victim and family would have paused to take notice. But fatal police shootings are still rare in the UK. They tend to raise many eyebrows.
Operation Trident Officers, who are tasked with tracking gun related crimes in London’s formidable African and Caribbean communities, had no reason to suspect that the pending August 4th, 2011, arrest of Mark Duggan, 29, would be anything but routine.
How events exactly unfolded when Duggan was approached by the police is not yet clear. But shots had suddenly rung out and by the time it was over Duggan was dead; a police officer had been wounded; and a police radio had been wreaked by a bullet.
Mark Duggan was no criminal. The police had no record of him. He was well liked by friends and neighbors. The gun fight dumbfounded his world-famous community in north London, Tottenham.
This is London’s most diverse neighborhood; more than 300 languages are reportedly spoken. It’s also where city’s highest unemployment rate is concentrated. Little of London’s fabled wealth is evident here. Crime, petty as well as organized, and dominated by rival armed gangs, thrives on the backstreets. Tottenham had its first riot in the mid-80s following the death of a black woman during a search of her home by the police. This was a week after the infamous riots of Brixton, and much to the shock of Britain a police officer was killed by protesters, a first in more than 150 years. And suddenly, not only did Tottenham, mostly immigrant and non-white, but also the police, mostly white and indigenous, had reason to be angry. Worse, there was ample room for more bitterness over the subsequent trial of three minors and three adults charged with murder of the police officer.
The two sides more or less remained at odds ever since. Residents complained of alleged police heavy handedness while law enforcement officials quietly mulled over alleged un-British disregard of law and order. An explosion was inevitable.
Protest began two days later, August 6, 2011. It was peaceful at first. Three hundred people gathered at Tottenham’s police station demanding “justice for Dunggan’s family.” The authorities responded with police on horseback. They did not expect serious resistance. It was a colossal miscalculation.
Provoked, protesters reacted with devastating ferocity. Two police cars were immediately torched. And before anyone could give serious thought to what had happened, violence had spread all over Tottenham. Three hours later, more than forty fires had been set around Tottenham. Another two more hours and the protests had degenerated into widespread looting. Anarchy was threatening to overwhelm parts of north London.
Britain was shocked. The public could see no rational for the lootings. Outrage rather than copycat riots was expected for the next day, Sunday, August 7, 2011. But that was exactly what did not happen.
The riots first spread to Enfield and Brixton. Police were attacked, fires set and stores looted. Oxford circus, Chingford Mount, Ponders End and Islington were soon under siege by rampaging youth. The police were distressed. They did not have enough personnel to contain a city wide rampage.
Worse was to come on Monday, now the third night of riots. Scotland Yard reported “that areas of north, east and south London were affected.” Birmingham and Manchester joined on Tuesday. The speed with which the riots spread was simply breathtaking. Despite loud criticism by the fiery British tabloid press, no law enforcement apparatus could have been prepared for it.
This is where yet another crucial lesson lies for Ethiopia’s archaic ruling party, the EPRDF. Despite reprehensible lootings by rioters and the omnipresence of hysterical tabloids, there is more to the English riots than mere criminality. Unemployment and hopelessness are underlying causes. If protests break out in Ethiopia for any reason they will also spread swiftly and uncontrollably like they did in England. There is repression, corruption, inflation, unemployment and rising hopelessness to serve as underlying causes. But unlike the apolitical British protests, Ethiopia’s will most probably be quickly overwhelmed by the political issues of repression and change. And as has happened in Egypt and Syria there will then be no turning back.
The longer reforms are delayed, the more the imperative for Ethiopia, peaceful transition to democracy, will be at stake. The British will not prevent further riots by merely increasing the number of police on the streets. Social ills will have to be tackled earnestly. Neither could the EPRDF relay indefinitely on the strength of its security network to prevent an explosion. Both Meles Zenawi and the EPRDF have overstayed. Change is inevitable and should be accommodated rather than resisted futilely.
But six months have now passed since the demise of Mubarak’s rule in Egypt. And the much predicted protests have yet to break out in Ethiopia. Does this mean that analysts have after all been off mark? Or has the increased police presence on Addis’ streets effectively deterred protests permanently?
Not necessarily.
The repression is as unrelenting as ever. Food inflation has reached the atrocious 50 % mark. Unemployment shows no sign of declining. Small businesses, the backbone of the expanding service sector, are suffering perceptibly. The specter of famine dominates the headlines. Corruption is getting worse. There is growing tension within the ruling party. And overshadowing all these is the Arab Spring, which has inspired the restive urban youth. The analysts have always been right. These factors matter more than the repressive capabilities of the state. The threat of an explosion will continue to loom large for the foreseeable future.
The police and security services both in Ethiopia and Britain should be given a break. It’s not for them to solve the underlying problems their countries face. In democratic Britain the remedy lies in economics and social policies. In authoritarian Ethiopia it lies squarely in politics.
________
Fight tyranny from your PC. Ethiomedia.com is blocked in Ethiopia. Keep posting articles on your Facebook page, which is accessible in Ethiopia.
Operation Trident Officers, who are tasked with tracking gun related crimes in London’s formidable African and Caribbean communities, had no reason to suspect that the pending August 4th, 2011, arrest of Mark Duggan, 29, would be anything but routine.
How events exactly unfolded when Duggan was approached by the police is not yet clear. But shots had suddenly rung out and by the time it was over Duggan was dead; a police officer had been wounded; and a police radio had been wreaked by a bullet.
Mark Duggan was no criminal. The police had no record of him. He was well liked by friends and neighbors. The gun fight dumbfounded his world-famous community in north London, Tottenham.
This is London’s most diverse neighborhood; more than 300 languages are reportedly spoken. It’s also where city’s highest unemployment rate is concentrated. Little of London’s fabled wealth is evident here. Crime, petty as well as organized, and dominated by rival armed gangs, thrives on the backstreets. Tottenham had its first riot in the mid-80s following the death of a black woman during a search of her home by the police. This was a week after the infamous riots of Brixton, and much to the shock of Britain a police officer was killed by protesters, a first in more than 150 years. And suddenly, not only did Tottenham, mostly immigrant and non-white, but also the police, mostly white and indigenous, had reason to be angry. Worse, there was ample room for more bitterness over the subsequent trial of three minors and three adults charged with murder of the police officer.
The two sides more or less remained at odds ever since. Residents complained of alleged police heavy handedness while law enforcement officials quietly mulled over alleged un-British disregard of law and order. An explosion was inevitable.
Protest began two days later, August 6, 2011. It was peaceful at first. Three hundred people gathered at Tottenham’s police station demanding “justice for Dunggan’s family.” The authorities responded with police on horseback. They did not expect serious resistance. It was a colossal miscalculation.
Provoked, protesters reacted with devastating ferocity. Two police cars were immediately torched. And before anyone could give serious thought to what had happened, violence had spread all over Tottenham. Three hours later, more than forty fires had been set around Tottenham. Another two more hours and the protests had degenerated into widespread looting. Anarchy was threatening to overwhelm parts of north London.
Britain was shocked. The public could see no rational for the lootings. Outrage rather than copycat riots was expected for the next day, Sunday, August 7, 2011. But that was exactly what did not happen.
The riots first spread to Enfield and Brixton. Police were attacked, fires set and stores looted. Oxford circus, Chingford Mount, Ponders End and Islington were soon under siege by rampaging youth. The police were distressed. They did not have enough personnel to contain a city wide rampage.
Worse was to come on Monday, now the third night of riots. Scotland Yard reported “that areas of north, east and south London were affected.” Birmingham and Manchester joined on Tuesday. The speed with which the riots spread was simply breathtaking. Despite loud criticism by the fiery British tabloid press, no law enforcement apparatus could have been prepared for it.
This is where yet another crucial lesson lies for Ethiopia’s archaic ruling party, the EPRDF. Despite reprehensible lootings by rioters and the omnipresence of hysterical tabloids, there is more to the English riots than mere criminality. Unemployment and hopelessness are underlying causes. If protests break out in Ethiopia for any reason they will also spread swiftly and uncontrollably like they did in England. There is repression, corruption, inflation, unemployment and rising hopelessness to serve as underlying causes. But unlike the apolitical British protests, Ethiopia’s will most probably be quickly overwhelmed by the political issues of repression and change. And as has happened in Egypt and Syria there will then be no turning back.
The longer reforms are delayed, the more the imperative for Ethiopia, peaceful transition to democracy, will be at stake. The British will not prevent further riots by merely increasing the number of police on the streets. Social ills will have to be tackled earnestly. Neither could the EPRDF relay indefinitely on the strength of its security network to prevent an explosion. Both Meles Zenawi and the EPRDF have overstayed. Change is inevitable and should be accommodated rather than resisted futilely.
But six months have now passed since the demise of Mubarak’s rule in Egypt. And the much predicted protests have yet to break out in Ethiopia. Does this mean that analysts have after all been off mark? Or has the increased police presence on Addis’ streets effectively deterred protests permanently?
Not necessarily.
The repression is as unrelenting as ever. Food inflation has reached the atrocious 50 % mark. Unemployment shows no sign of declining. Small businesses, the backbone of the expanding service sector, are suffering perceptibly. The specter of famine dominates the headlines. Corruption is getting worse. There is growing tension within the ruling party. And overshadowing all these is the Arab Spring, which has inspired the restive urban youth. The analysts have always been right. These factors matter more than the repressive capabilities of the state. The threat of an explosion will continue to loom large for the foreseeable future.
The police and security services both in Ethiopia and Britain should be given a break. It’s not for them to solve the underlying problems their countries face. In democratic Britain the remedy lies in economics and social policies. In authoritarian Ethiopia it lies squarely in politics.
________
Fight tyranny from your PC. Ethiomedia.com is blocked in Ethiopia. Keep posting articles on your Facebook page, which is accessible in Ethiopia.
Friday, August 5, 2011
Mengistu Haile Mariam on SBS, Australian Amharic Radio Program
 |
| Mengistu Haile-Mariam |
Ethiopia Aid Exposed
Click here to read all the articles published by The Bureau of Investigative Journalism concerning aid and the repressive Ethiopian government.
«እስራኤል ሁሉ ጠባቂ እንደሌላቸው በጎች በተራሮች ላይ ተበትነው አየሁ» 1 ነገ.22፥17
በኤርምያስ ኅሩይ
ከብረት በጸና እምነቱና በቅንነቱ ኅሩይ፣ ልበ አምላክ፣ ፍቁር ተብሎ በእግዚአብሔርም በሰውም አንደበት እንደተሞገሰ እንደ ዳዊት ወይም እንደ ጥበበኛው ልጁ እንደ ሰሎሞን በበጎ ሥራ ባይሆንም በነጋሢነቱና መገሥጸ ነገሥት ከሆነው ከነቢዩ ኤልያስ ጋር ባለው ተያያዥ ታሪክ ስሙ የሚታወቀው ንጉሠ እስራኤል አክዓብ በሕይወት ዘመኑ የመጨረሻ ቀናት ሶርያን በጦር ወግቶ ሬማት ዘገለዓድን የእስራኤል አካል የማድረግ እቅድ ነበረው። እቅዱም በይሁዳው ንጉሥ በኢዩሳፍጥና በቧለሟሎቹ ዘንድ ድጋፍ የተቸረው በብዙ የሳቱ ነቢያቱም የተሞካሸ እቅድ ነበር። ከነቢዩ ከሚክያስ በቀር የሰልፉ ውጤት ሞት እንጂ ድል እንደማይሆን ያለመም የተነበየም አልነበረም። የሰው ሰልፍ ፍጻሜውም ኅሣር እንጂ ክብር፤ ኪሣራ እንጂ ትርፍ እንዳልሆነ ከፈጣሪው ዘንድ ተገልጦለት ስለተረዳ ንጉሡ «ለሰልፍ ልሂድ?» ብሎ ላቀረበለት ጥያቄ «ወጥተህ ተከናወን!» በማለት የሚጠብቀውን ውድቀት ሲገልጽለት በአስረጅነት የነበረው የራእዩ መሪ ቃል «እስራኤል ሁሉ ጠባቂ እንደሌላቸው በጎች በተራሮች ላይ ተበትነው አየሁ» የሚል ነበር።
አክዓብ ንጉሥ ነበር። ጠላት መውጋት ድንበር ማስፋት ደግሞ የንጉሥ ሥራ ነበር፤ ታዲያ ለምን ሰልፉ ተነቀፈበት? ለምንስ ረድኤተ እግዚአብሔር ተለየው? ለምንስ ውድቀት ታዘዘበት? ብለን ራሳችንን እንጠይቅ ይሆናል ልንጠይቅም ይገባል። እስኪ ወደኃላ መለስ ብለን የቀደመ ታሪኩን በጥቂቱ እናስታውስ። አክዓብ በሚስቱ በኤልዛቤል ምክርና አሳብ የሚመራ፤ ካህናትንና ነቢያትን በመግደልና በማሳደድ እንዲሁም በመቶዎች የተቆጠሩ ጣዖታትን በማቆም የሚስቱ ተባባሪና የክፋት ፊትአውራሪ ነበር። ኃላም የእስራኤላዊ ናቡቴን ብቸኛ ርስት በግፍ በመንጠቅና እርሱንም በማስገደል እግዚአብሔር ለነቢዩ ኤልያስ ያዳኘበት በገዘፉ ስህተቶችና በደሎች የተከሰሰ በደለኛ ሰው ነበር። እንዲህ ያለ ሰው ታዲያ የሚሰለፈው ሰልፍ ሁሉ ራሱን ለማድለብ ካልሆነ በቀር እግዚአብሔርን ለማገልገል እስራኤልን ለመጥቀም ነው ተብሎ እንደምን ይገመታል? እግዚአብሔር በመንጋው ላይ ሾሞታልና ከልቡ ግሣት ይልቅ የእግዚአብሔርን ድምፅ ሊሰማና ሁሉ የእርሱ ለሆነም የእስራኤል አምላክ ቁራጭ መሬት ለመማረክ ከመጣደፍ በፊት ራሱን ለፈጣሪው ማስማረክ መንፈሱንም ለአምላኩ ግዳይ መጣል ይገባው ነበር። እርሱ ግን ይህን አላደረገም። እግዚአብሔር በአንደበቱ የተናገረበትን ነቢዩንም ሊሰማው አልፈለገም እንደውም እንደጠላት ግዞት አወረደው። እርሱም ተሰለፈ ቀስት ወረወረ ውጤቱ ግን እንደተገልፀው ድል ሳይሆን ሽንፈት፤ ክብር ሳይሆን ውርደት ሆነ። እርሱም በቀስት ወደቀ እስራኤልም አውራ እንደሌለው ንብ ከጠላቶቻቸው ፊት ሸሽተው ተበተኑ።
ይህን ታሪክ ያነሣሁት ለተወሰኑ ሰዎች ብቻ የሚነገረው ዜና ወይም ለእኔ ብቻ የተገለጠልኝ ከሌሎች የተሠወረ ኖሮኝ ሳይሆን ከጊዜ ወደጊዜ በዓይነትና በመጠን እየበዛ በመጣው ፈርጀ ብዙ ውስጣዊና አፍአዊ ችግር ሳቢያ ቅድስትና ሐዋርያዊት ቤተክርስትያናችን የተጋረጡባት አደገኛ ፈተናዎች ያሳደሩብኝን በቤተክርስቲያኒቱ አናት ላይ የሚንፎለፎለውን የፈተና ፏፏቴ እያዩ ሀገር ሰላም ብሎ መተኛቱ በክርስቶስ ዘንድ ማስጠየቁ ስለማይቀር በዚህ ትውልድ ጊዜ ገጥሞን በሕይወት ያለን ምእመናን በጸሎትም በምክርም ከኃጢአት ዓለም በጸጋ የታደገችንን እናት ቤ/ክ የጠላት ጦር ባይጥላትም እንዳያቆስላት ባይፈታትም እንዳያላላት በዚህ ጊዜ ታዳጊውን አምላክ ይዘን ልንቆምላት እንደሚገባ ከማሳሰብ ዝም እንዳልል ኅሊናዬ ስለሞገተኝ ነው።
በርግጥ ቤ/ክ የሰላም መልእክተኛ ብትሆንም በ2ሺህ ዘመናት ታሪኳ ሰላምን በማይሹ አጋንንትና ሠራዊቶቻቸው ስትፈተን ስትገፋ የኖረች፤ ስለ ዓለሙ ሰላም የሐዋርያቶቿንና የምእመናን ልጆቿን ደም የገበርች ነገር ግን ጠላቶቿ ሲወድቁ ሳትወድቅ በብዙ ጭንቅ ውስጥ አልፋ ዛሬም እንደ ትናንቱ ስለ ዓለሙ ሰላምና ደኅንነት በመዓልትና በሌሊት በነግህና በሠርክ እየጸለየች አማናዊ መሥዋዕት እየሠዋች ትገኛለች። ጌታ በወንጌል «የሲኦል ደጃፎች አይበረቱባትም» ማቴ. 16፥18 ብሏልና ጠላት እንደምንም ቢበረታ መቼም መች በረድኤተ እግዚአብሔር ተጠብቃ የምትኖር መሆኗን አምናለሁ። ነገር ግን እረኞች ጳጳሳትና ካህናት፤ መንጋዎች ምእመናን ከተሠራልን ሥርዓት ወጥተን ሥጋዊ ሰልፍ ስንሰለፍ ብንገኝ አንደኛችን መውደቃችን ሌላኛችን መበተናችን እንደማይቀር «የእግዚአብሔር ቤተመቅደስ» የተባለች የኢየሩሳሌም ተደጋጋሚ ውድቅትና ትንሣኤ ያስተምረናል። በመግቢያዬ ያነሣሁት የአክዓብ ውድቅት ታሪክም የሚያስረዳው ይህንኑ ነው።
ከዚህ አንፃር ቤ/ክ በተለይ ካለፉት 2 ዓመታት ወዲህ የሰሚን ጆሮ እስኪያሰለች ድረስ ስም አጠራሯ በከበረች ጥንታዊትና ኦርቶዶክሳዊት ቤ/ክ ላይ ሊናገሩት የሚከብድ የገንዘብ ብክነት፣ ሹመትን፣ አምባገነንነትን፣ ወገንተኛነትንና የመሳሰሉትን አሳፋሪ ተግባራት መሠረት ያደረጉ ክሶችና ግብግቦች ተካሂደውባታል። ችግሩን ከሥሩ ለማጥራት ጥረት አለመደረጉን ቢደረግም ስኬታማ አለመሆኑን አሁንም በቅዱስ ሲኖዶስ አባላት መካከል ያለው ውጥረት፤ ከሀገር ውጪም በተለያዩ ሀገሮች ባሉ አብያተ ክርስትያናትና ምእመናን መካከል የሀገር ቤት ሲኖዶስ፣ የአሜሪካ ሲኖዶስ ተባብሎ መከፋፈሉ ያስከተለው ጉዳት አስረጂዎች ናቸው። መፍትሔ ሳያገኝ ለወራት የዘለቀው የአዋሳ ሀ/ስብከት ችግርና ሌሎችም በየቦታው እየፈነዱ ያሉ ጥቃቅን ችግሮች የተጠቀሰው ዐቢይ ችግር ውጤቶችና በቤ/ክኒቱ ላይ የተጋረጠውን ፈተና ሊያቀጣጥሉ የሚችሉ ጋዝና ቤንዚን እንዳይሆኑ የሚያሰጉ ክስተቶች ናቸው።
አሁን ዓለም ካጤናቸው የቤ/ክኒቱ ችግር መንሥኤዎች አንዱ የገንዘብ ብክነት ነው። በዚህ አጀንዳ እንደኔ አሳሳቢው ጥያቄ ማን? እንዴት? ስንት? የሚለው ሳይሆን ለምን ዓላማና አገልግሎት የሚውል ገንዘብ? የሚለው ነው። አላግባብ ያጠፉ ያጎደሉ አይጠየቁ ለማለት አይደለም ይጠየቁ ይቀጡ እንዲያውም ቅዱስ ዳዊት «በላዩ ኃጢአተኛን ሹም ሰይጣንም በቀኙ ይቁም በሚከራከርም ጊዜ ተረትቶ ይውጣ» መዝ. 108፥6 እንዳለ ቤ/ክኒቱን ለቀው ቦታቸውን ይያዙ እላለሁ። ለበጎ አብነት ተጠርተው የክፉ ሥራ አብነት ከሆኑ ቤ/ክንን ምን ሊበጇት?
ለምን ዓላማ የሚውል ገንዘብ? ተብሎ ቅድሚያ ሊጠየቅ ይገባል ያልሁት የቤ/ክ ተልዕኮ ምእመናንን ማስተማር፣ ማጥመቅ፣ ማቁረብ፤ ብሎም አረጋውያንን መጦር፣ የሙት ልጆችን ማሳደግ፣ ስደተኞችንና ሕሙማንን መርዳት መንከባከብ ወ.ዘ.ተ ነው። ታዲያ ባከነ የሚባለው ገንዘብ ይህን ለመሰለ አገልግሎት የተመደበ ገንዘብ ነበር ወይስ ለሌላ ሥጋዊና ቁሳዊ ተግባር? እኔ እስከሚገባኝ በካህንና በንዋያተ ቅድሳት እጦት የተዘጉ አብያተክርስትያናትን ለመክፈት ወንጌል በበቂ ሁኔታ ባልተሰበከባቸው መሥዋዕት ባልተሠዋባቸው በስም ብቻ ክርስቲያን ነን እያሉ የሚኖሩ ምእመናንን በአገልግሎት ለመድረስ ወይም በሌላ ምግባረ ሠናይ ጉዳይ የተመደበም የባከነም ገንዘብ የለም። ብክነቱ የሚፈጸመው ከዚህ ውጪ በሆነ ጉዳይ መሆኑ ግን እጅግ ያሳዝናል።
በእርግጥ የባከነ ገንዘብ በፍርድ ሊመለስ ይችላል ጠብና ንትርክ በመጥላት ከቤ/ክ የሸሹና እየሸሹ ይሉትን ምሁራንና በቤታቸው የተወሰኑትን ምእመናን እንዲሁም አጋጣሚውን ተጠቅመው የወተወቱአቸውን መናፍቃን ተከትለው የባዘኑትን የእግዚአብሔር በጎች እንዴት አድርጎ ነው ወደ ቤታቸው መመለስ የሚቻለው? ችግር ለምን ተከሰተ ማለት አይቻልም ቤ/ክ የጽድቅ መድረክ ናትና ፈተና ሊኖር ግድ ነው። ጥያቄው ለምን መፍትሔ አይፈለግለትም? ለምን ችግር በችግርነቱ ወራትን ዓመታትን እንዲያስቆጥር ይፈቀድለታል? መፍትሔስ ተገኝቶላቸው ውሳኔ የተላለፈባቸው ጉዳዮች ለምን ተፈጻሚ ሲሆኑ አናይም። እስካሁን ፍትሕ ፈልገው ያለመታከት በሀቅ የሚጮኹትን የአዋሳ ምእመናን እጅግ አደንቃለሁ ገንዘባቸውን ጊዜያቸውን ሠውተው ለቤ/ክ ሲሉ አዲስ አበባ ድረስ በመመላለስ አቤት ማለታቸው በክርስቶስ ዘንድ ታላቅ ክብር የሚያሰጥ ተጋድሎ ነው። ጋዜጣ ተጻፈ፤ በሚድያ ተለፈፈ ግን ምን አተረፈ? በርግጥ ከችግሮች በስተጀርባ ያሉ አትራፊዎች አላተረፉም ማለት አይቻልም። ቤ/ክ ግን በዚህ ሰልፍ ተጠቃሚ አለመሆኗን አምናለሁ። ጌታ በወንጌል ለእረኞች የሰጠው መመሪያ «ያለ ዋጋ የተቀበላችሁትን ያለ ዋጋ ስጡ በመቀነታችሁም ወርቅ ወይም ብር ወይም መሐልቅ አትያዙ» ማቴ. 10፥9 የሚል ነበር። እኮ እንደ ሐዋርያት ያለ ዋጋ ማገልገል ቀርቶ በተመደበ ደመወዝ ተወስኖ መኖርም አቅቶን የዚህ ዘመን እረኞች ከዓመት እስከ ዓመት በገንዘብና በቁሳቁስ ስንተማማ ስንካሰስ መኖራችን፤ በአንዲት ቤ/ክ ውስጥ ሁለት ሲኖዶስ በአንዲት ቤ/ክ ውስጥ አምስት እና ስድስት ቡድኖች አበጅተን እርስ በእርስ መፋለማችን ከኢትዮጵያ አልፎ ለአፍሪካ ሀገሮች ሁሉ የሚበቃ ቁጥር ያላቸው ጳጳሳት አንዲት የኢትዮጵያን ቤ/ክ አረጋግቶ መምራት እንዴት አቃታቸው? ለ3ሺህ ዓመታት አንድ ሆነው መቅደሳቸውንም ሀገራቸውንም ያስከበሩ ምእመናን ታመሱ ተብሎ ዕለት ዕለት ሲለፈፍ መስማታችን ይህ አያሳፍርም? በእውነት በሚጠሉንና ውድቀታችንን ከሚሹ አሳዳጆቻችን ፊት በኅፍረት እንድንሸሽ እያደረገን ነው።
ውኃ ድንጋይ ካልጣሉበት አይጮህም። መንፈሳዊ ጸጥታ ሰፍኖባት የኖረች ቤ/ክ አሁን ዘመን ላይ የሁከት መድረክ እየሆነች መምጣቷ ሰይጣን ባጎነው ደንጊያ መሆኑን ከደንጊያው ጋር ደግሞ ፓለቲካ፣ ቢዝነስ፣ ኑፋቄንና ዘረኝነትን የመሳሰሉ ጠጠሮች አብረው መኖራቸው ግልጽ ነው። ለዚህም ነው ችግር ተከስቶ ቶሎ የማይከስመው። በዚህ ውዥንብር ምን ያህል የእግዚአብሔር በጎች በተኩላ ተነጥቀዋል? ከጥቂቶች በስተቀር ማን ግድ ሰጥቶት ቆጠረው? የበጎቹ ባለቤት እግዚአብሔር ግን በእያንዳንዲቱ በግ መጥፋት ያዝናል። ቤ/ክ ስለጠፉ ልጆቿ ታለቅሳለች። አባቶች እባካችሁ ሰልፋችሁን አስተካክሉ! ጊዜው ሊውጡን የተነሡትን አሳዳጃችንን በፍጹም መንፈሳዊነት የምንቋቋምበት እየጠፉ ያሉ በጎችን የምንታደግበት እንጂ ለሹመት የምንሯሯጥበት ገንዘብ እየተመናተፍን የምንካሰስበት ጊዜ አይደለም። እኛ ጎራ ለይተን ስንሰለፍ በጎናችን ቆመው እንደተቆርቋሪ ሆይ ሆይ የሚሉንን ሰዎች ማንነትና ዓላማ በቅጡ እናጢነው። ሁሉም ሰልፈኞች አለመሆናቸው እንደ አክዓብ ለግል ምርኳቸው ራሳቸውን ያሰለፉ መኖራቸውን አንዘንጋ። በዚህ ትርምስ በጎች መጥፋታቸውን ብቻ አይደለም ተኩላዎች በግ መስለው መግባታቸውን በማስመሰል መሾም መሸለማቸውንና በእረኞች ወንበርም መቀመጥ እየቻሉ መሆናቸውን እናስተውል። የውስጥ ጉዳያችንን መፍታት ሳንችል እየቀረን የፖለቲካ ዓላማ ላላቸው ሰዎች ቅድስት ቤ/ክንን አጋልጠን አንስጥ። ቤ/ክ የአምልኮ እንጂ የፖለቲካ ጉዳይ ማስፈጸሚያ ቦታ አይደለችም። የቤታችንን ጉዳይ አቅም በፈቀደ አባቶቻችን ከነሱ በላይ ለሆነው ደግሞ ወደ ፈጣሪ ማንጋጠጥ እንጂ ወደ ፖለቲከኞች መመልከቱ ችግሩን ቢያብስ እንጂ አያሽለውም። ምእመናንም ቅር ባሰኘን ነገር አቤት ማለታችን ተገቢ ሆኖ ለበጎ የጮህነው ለከፋ እንዳይሆን ቅዱስ ጳውሎስ «ፀሐይ ሳይጠልቅ ቁጣችሁን አብርዱ» ብሎ እንደመከረን ጠባችንን ሳናውል ሳናሳድር ለማስወገድ እንጣር። ስለ ቤ/ክ ክብር እየተውን እየተሸነፍን ቤ/ክንን እንጠብቃት አንድነት እንጂ ሁለትነት ኅብረት እንጂ ቡድንነት ፈጽሞ የሚጠቅመን አይደለም። ስለዚህም አኩርፈን የሸሸንም፣ ቤ/ክኒቱን ለካህናት ብቻ ትተን ቸል ያልናትም ሁሉ አብረን መክረን አብረን በጸሎት ተግተን ቤ/ክኒቱን ወደ ቀደመ ይዞታዋ ልንመልሳት ለሚጠላትና ለሚያሳድዷትም ሁሉ ወለል አድርገን የከፈትነውን በር ፈጥነን ልንዘጋው ይገባል እላለሁ። ሰልፋችን ለእግዚአብሔር ክብር ይሁን።
ሰላመ እግዚአብሔር አይለየን
Thursday, August 4, 2011
Ethiopia’s emergency food reserve near zero
Peter Heinlein | Addis Ababa (VOA)
The head of the U.N. World Food Program (WFP) in Ethiopia says the country’s emergency food stocks are almost completely exhausted, with drought conditions expected to worsen before they improve. There are also growing concerns about food shortages in Ethiopia’s reclusive neighbor, Eritrea.
WFP’s Ethiopia Country Director Abdou Dieng says despite a good response to international appeals for food aid, Ethiopia faces a critical shortfall in emergency supplies. He says the reserve established by the government to prevent a recurrence of past food crises is almost empty.
“There is food reserve, but today it’s almost at zero level. We cannot count on that. Now what we are trying to do is increase the level of the food which can be kept in the reserve. We can go up to one million tons [and] we’re talking about 80 million people here who need food, so this is exactly where we are working together to try to increase the food reserve,” noted Dieng.
Of Ethiopia’s 80 million people, Dieng says between 13 million and 14 million are receiving some sort of food assistance. The government estimates 4.5 million need emergency food aid, but experts expect that number to keep rising until the rains come, allowing farmers to plant and harvest life saving crops.
The WFP official says $200 million in donations has been received since the onset of the current drought. Dieng estimates another $100 million will be necessary to meet Ethiopia’s needs until the end of the year. Dieng also said the WFP is monitoring reports filtering out of Eritrea suggesting food shortages there as well. The reports are hard to verify, and Eritrea’s autocratic government has denied the drought is affecting food supplies. But satellite images indicate the country is affected by the same weather pattern that has victimized much of the Horn of Africa.
Dieng says Eritrean refugees arriving at camps in northern Ethiopia are saying the Asmara, Eritrea, government tries to prevent them from leaving, and that conditions are deteriorating.
“All this is speculation,” Dieng added. “What we know is you can’t have a drought in Ethiopia, Somalia, Kenya in a certain area and not having the same [nearby]. But what we heard from the government in Eritrea, they say there is no problem when it comes to food aid in Eritrea. But for people crossing the border and coming into Ethiopia that we interview, we know there is some problem, and we are monitoring that very closely.”
Assistant U.S. Secretary of State for Africa Johnnie Carson last month said many Eritrean refugees fleeing to Ethiopia are suffering from life-threatening malnutrition. He urged officials in the Eritrean capital, Asmara, to cooperate with U.N. agencies and international organizations to address the issues of hunger and food shortages.
The WFP’s Dieng estimates the number of Eritrean refugees at camps in northern Ethiopia at a few thousand. That is nowhere near as large as the more than 150,000 Somali refugees in southern and eastern Ethiopia, and the even larger numbers in Kenya.
He says the U.N. agency technically maintains an office in Asmara, but has not had any international staff there since 2005, and is not able to monitor conditions in the nation of 5 million.
The head of the U.N. World Food Program (WFP) in Ethiopia says the country’s emergency food stocks are almost completely exhausted, with drought conditions expected to worsen before they improve. There are also growing concerns about food shortages in Ethiopia’s reclusive neighbor, Eritrea.
WFP’s Ethiopia Country Director Abdou Dieng says despite a good response to international appeals for food aid, Ethiopia faces a critical shortfall in emergency supplies. He says the reserve established by the government to prevent a recurrence of past food crises is almost empty.
“There is food reserve, but today it’s almost at zero level. We cannot count on that. Now what we are trying to do is increase the level of the food which can be kept in the reserve. We can go up to one million tons [and] we’re talking about 80 million people here who need food, so this is exactly where we are working together to try to increase the food reserve,” noted Dieng.
Of Ethiopia’s 80 million people, Dieng says between 13 million and 14 million are receiving some sort of food assistance. The government estimates 4.5 million need emergency food aid, but experts expect that number to keep rising until the rains come, allowing farmers to plant and harvest life saving crops.
The WFP official says $200 million in donations has been received since the onset of the current drought. Dieng estimates another $100 million will be necessary to meet Ethiopia’s needs until the end of the year. Dieng also said the WFP is monitoring reports filtering out of Eritrea suggesting food shortages there as well. The reports are hard to verify, and Eritrea’s autocratic government has denied the drought is affecting food supplies. But satellite images indicate the country is affected by the same weather pattern that has victimized much of the Horn of Africa.
Dieng says Eritrean refugees arriving at camps in northern Ethiopia are saying the Asmara, Eritrea, government tries to prevent them from leaving, and that conditions are deteriorating.
“All this is speculation,” Dieng added. “What we know is you can’t have a drought in Ethiopia, Somalia, Kenya in a certain area and not having the same [nearby]. But what we heard from the government in Eritrea, they say there is no problem when it comes to food aid in Eritrea. But for people crossing the border and coming into Ethiopia that we interview, we know there is some problem, and we are monitoring that very closely.”
Assistant U.S. Secretary of State for Africa Johnnie Carson last month said many Eritrean refugees fleeing to Ethiopia are suffering from life-threatening malnutrition. He urged officials in the Eritrean capital, Asmara, to cooperate with U.N. agencies and international organizations to address the issues of hunger and food shortages.
The WFP’s Dieng estimates the number of Eritrean refugees at camps in northern Ethiopia at a few thousand. That is nowhere near as large as the more than 150,000 Somali refugees in southern and eastern Ethiopia, and the even larger numbers in Kenya.
He says the U.N. agency technically maintains an office in Asmara, but has not had any international staff there since 2005, and is not able to monitor conditions in the nation of 5 million.
Birtukan awarded Reagan-Fascell Democracy Fellowship
By Abebe Gellaw
The National Endowment for Democracy (NED) has awarded its most prestigious fellowship to Birtukan Mideksa in recognition of her commitment for the advancement of freedom and her potential to bring about democratic change in Ethiopia, Addis Voice has learnt. The Reagan-Fascell Democracy Fellowship program, named in honor of the two principal founders of NED, former US President Ronald Reagan (1911-2004) and the late Congressman Dante Fascell (1917-1998), is awarded to accomplished democracy practitioners, journalists and scholars from around the world to enable them “to deepen their understanding of democracy and enhance their ability to promote democratic change.” The fellowship was established in 2001 with funding from the US Congress.
“I am very pleased to join some of the most influential people from around the world that are selected for their leadership and commitment to freedom and democracy,” Birtukan said. “This is an honor that I accept with utmost humility on behalf of the people of Ethiopia, particularly those unsung heroes and heroines that have made untold sacrifices in the struggle for freedom, justice and democracy in our country,” she added.
Girmaye Gizaw, who headed the Free Birtukan global campaign, told Addis Voice that the award is a unique opportunity for Birtukan and a step forward on the road to full recovery from the trauma and abuse she had suffered at the hands of those who made every effort to break her indomitable spirit and shatter the cause she has represented with extraordinary commitment and courage. “This is a golden opportunity for our leader who is destined for great things. Those of us who know her well are always certain that Birtukan will not be held back,” he said.
Birtukan, a 2011-12 Reagan-Fascell Democracy Fellow, will be in full-time residence at the Washington DC-based International Forum for Democratic Studies, NED’s research arm that is one of the leading centers in the world dedicated for analyzing and discussing the theory and practice of democratic change around the world. According to NED, the fellowship program is designed to offer a unique international environment for fellows to “reflect on their experiences, conduct research and writing, develop contacts, exchange ideas with counterparts in Washington DC, and build ties that contribute to the development of a global network of democracy advocates.”
Ethiopia’s first female leader of a major political party, she will start her fellowship in October. Birtukan will particularly focus on the failures of democratic change in Ethiopia and the way forward. She is also planning to write her autobiography, a unique account of her arduous journeys in the course of her struggle for freedom and dignity. “Given Ethiopia’s continued experience of political violence, I would also like to spend some time to try to understand how and why the United States has succeeded in building a truly democratic system that accommodates every kind of clashing and competing views, groups and parties without undermining the rule of law,” she noted.
After she emerged as an unwavering leader of the pro-democracy movement in the aftermath of the 2005 national elections, former federal judge Birtukan Mideksa was jailed twice and spent over 1200 days in harsh jails including over 6 months in solitary confinement. Birtukan was selected by the European Parliament as one of the three finalists for the 2010 Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought. Cuban dissident and political activist Dr. Guillermo Fariñas, who conducted 23 hunger strikes to protest against repressions and censorship, was selected as winner of the grand prize.
The National Endowment for Democracy (NED) has awarded its most prestigious fellowship to Birtukan Mideksa in recognition of her commitment for the advancement of freedom and her potential to bring about democratic change in Ethiopia, Addis Voice has learnt. The Reagan-Fascell Democracy Fellowship program, named in honor of the two principal founders of NED, former US President Ronald Reagan (1911-2004) and the late Congressman Dante Fascell (1917-1998), is awarded to accomplished democracy practitioners, journalists and scholars from around the world to enable them “to deepen their understanding of democracy and enhance their ability to promote democratic change.” The fellowship was established in 2001 with funding from the US Congress.
“I am very pleased to join some of the most influential people from around the world that are selected for their leadership and commitment to freedom and democracy,” Birtukan said. “This is an honor that I accept with utmost humility on behalf of the people of Ethiopia, particularly those unsung heroes and heroines that have made untold sacrifices in the struggle for freedom, justice and democracy in our country,” she added.
Girmaye Gizaw, who headed the Free Birtukan global campaign, told Addis Voice that the award is a unique opportunity for Birtukan and a step forward on the road to full recovery from the trauma and abuse she had suffered at the hands of those who made every effort to break her indomitable spirit and shatter the cause she has represented with extraordinary commitment and courage. “This is a golden opportunity for our leader who is destined for great things. Those of us who know her well are always certain that Birtukan will not be held back,” he said.
Birtukan, a 2011-12 Reagan-Fascell Democracy Fellow, will be in full-time residence at the Washington DC-based International Forum for Democratic Studies, NED’s research arm that is one of the leading centers in the world dedicated for analyzing and discussing the theory and practice of democratic change around the world. According to NED, the fellowship program is designed to offer a unique international environment for fellows to “reflect on their experiences, conduct research and writing, develop contacts, exchange ideas with counterparts in Washington DC, and build ties that contribute to the development of a global network of democracy advocates.”
Ethiopia’s first female leader of a major political party, she will start her fellowship in October. Birtukan will particularly focus on the failures of democratic change in Ethiopia and the way forward. She is also planning to write her autobiography, a unique account of her arduous journeys in the course of her struggle for freedom and dignity. “Given Ethiopia’s continued experience of political violence, I would also like to spend some time to try to understand how and why the United States has succeeded in building a truly democratic system that accommodates every kind of clashing and competing views, groups and parties without undermining the rule of law,” she noted.
After she emerged as an unwavering leader of the pro-democracy movement in the aftermath of the 2005 national elections, former federal judge Birtukan Mideksa was jailed twice and spent over 1200 days in harsh jails including over 6 months in solitary confinement. Birtukan was selected by the European Parliament as one of the three finalists for the 2010 Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought. Cuban dissident and political activist Dr. Guillermo Fariñas, who conducted 23 hunger strikes to protest against repressions and censorship, was selected as winner of the grand prize.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)